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Moore, Alfred - History

Moore, Alfred - History

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Moore, Alfred (1755-1810) Associate Justice of the US Supreme Court: Alfred Moore was born in New Hanover County, North Carolina, on May 21, 1755, to a prominent family. Educated in Boston, he studied law with his father and was admitted to the North Carolina bar in 1775. During the Revolutionary War, he was a captain in the First North Carolina Regiment, but resigned his commission in 1777 to take care of the family plantation. He remained active in the war effort as a colonel of the local militia. Known as one of the state's best lawyers, Moore was appointed Attorney General of North Carolina from 1782 to 1791, and was judge of the state Superior Court in 1798. In 1799, President John Adams appointed him Associate Justice of the US Supreme Court. Moore only wrote one opinion, however, and resigned in 1804 due to poor health. He died in Bladen County, North Carolina, on October 15, 1810.

History of the Court – Timeline of the Justices – Alfred Moore, 1800-1804

ALFRED MOORE was born on May 21, 1755, in New Hanover County, North Carolina. He was sent to school in Boston and read law under the guidance of his father, a colonial judge. Moore was admitted to the bar in 1775 at the age of twenty. During the Revolutionary War, Moore served as a captain in a Continental regiment. After his father’s death in 1777, Moore returned home and joined the militia. In 1782, he was elected to the North Carolina State Legislature and, later that year, he was appointed Attorney General of North Carolina. In 1792, he was elected to the State Legislature for the second time. Three years later, Moore lost a bid for a seat in the United States Senate. In 1789, President John Adams appointed Moore to a commission to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee Indians. He resigned the following year to become a Judge of the North Carolina Superior Court. On December 10, 1799, President John Adams nominated Moore to the Supreme Court of the United States. The Senate confirmed the appointment on April 21, 1800. Moore served three years on the Supreme Court. He resigned on January 26, 1804. He died on October 15, 1810, at the age of fifty-five.

Supreme Court Justice [ edit | edit source ]

Moore was nominated by President John Adams to a seat vacated by James Iredell. Moore's service was terminated on January 26, 1804, due to resignation.

In 1799, Associate Justice James Iredell died suddenly. On December 4, 1799, President John Adams responded to the vacancy by nominating Moore, who was then confirmed by the United States Senate on December 10, 1799, receiving his commission the same day. At 4 feet 5 inches tall he is the shortest justice ever to sit on the Supreme Court and, due to poor health, Moore's contribution to the court was abbreviated. In his five years of service he wrote only one opinion, Bas v. Tingy, upholding a conclusion that France was an enemy in the undeclared Quasi-War of 1798–1799. Moore's scant contribution led one Court observer to place him atop a list of the worst justices in the history of the Court. Ώ]

In the early 1780s, he married Suzanne Eagles. After leaving the Supreme Court in 1804, he helped found the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He died in Bladen County, North Carolina. His summer home, Moorefields, built around 1785 in Orange County, North Carolina near Hillsborough, still stands, and is listed in the National Register of Historic Places.


Moorefields was built in 1785 as a summer home by Alfred Moore, a military and educational leader and prominent jurist who ultimately served as the second and last North Carolinian on the United States Supreme Court.

Moore, born in 1755, served as a captain in the First North Carolina Regiment and later in the coastal militia during the Revolution. As a founder of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the nation’s first public university to enroll students, Moore was a leader in early public education in the United States. Most notably, he served as an Associate Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall.

Hillsborough was a center of North Carolina government and commerce, and Moore the state attorney general, when Moorefields was constructed. To reach the Orange County seat in what was then considered the state’s western reaches, Moore traveled a week by wagon from Buchoi, his plantation south of Wilmington, North Carolina. According to legend the Moores fled to the modest Occoneechee Mountains from May until the third hard frost, usually in late October, to escape the heat, mosquitos, and disease of the coast.

The house at Moorefields is located three miles from the courthouse in Hillsborough (five miles by modern road) and strategically situated upon one of the highest points in central Orange County, where in summer it catches the prevailing southwest breeze. Shade was provided by 50 white oaks planted around the house when it was built. The last of the grove fell during Hurricane Fran in September 1996.

The Moorefields site came into European hands when Colonel John Gray received a 500-acre land grant from Lord Granville on March 25, 1752, half a year before Orange County was formed and two years before Hillsborough was founded.

On September 9 of that year Grayfields, as the plantation was called, was the site of the first session of a Court of Common Pleas and Quarters Sessions held in Orange County. Orange was the most populous county in the west and so large it stretched to the Virginia border and included the present Caswell, Person, Chatham, and Alamance counties as well as parts of Durham, Guilford, Lee, Randolph, Rockingham, and Wake.

The Regulators, protestors against what they considered corrupt, distant government and arbitrary taxation, organized in Hillsborough in 1768. Three years later they fought and lost the battle of Alamance against colonial troops under the command of Governor William Tryon. Alfred Moore served as a lieutenant in Tryon’s service at the battle. Later Moore’s father, Maurice Moore, was a presiding judge at the trial that resulted in the hanging of six Regulators in Hillsborough on June 9, 1771.

The Moores were a prominent coastal family that included several early governors of South Carolina and the founders in 1725 of Old Brunswick, the first permanent English settlement on the Cape Fear River, located 13 miles south of Wilmington. Up the road from the state historic site stands Orton Plantation, built by “King” Roger Moore, whose brother was Alfred Moore’s grandfather. Orton is the last survivor of 66 manor houses built in the area during colonial times, including a plantation named “Moorefields” located north of present-day Wilmington.

Alfred Moore, born on May 21, 1755, read for the law under his father. At age 20 he was appointed a captain in the First North Carolina Regiment under the command of James Moore, his father’s brother. The relatives fought the Tories at the Battle of Moore’s Creek in February 1776, a major early victory for Colonial troops. Along that day was Col. Francis Nash, Alfred Moore’s brother-in-law. Nash, who was mortally wounded the following year at the Battle of Germantown, is the man for whom Nashville, capital of Tennessee, is named.

Moore resigned his Continental commission after his father and uncle both died of disease on January 15, 1777. He remained on the coast and continued to disrupt Tory operations as a guerilla colonel. British Major James Craig, later governor of Canada, offered Moore amnesty and restoration of his property upon condition he lay down his arms. Moore refused, and his homeplace was ransacked.

Moore became a state senator from Brunswick County in 1782, a year after Gen. Cornwallis’ surrender at Yorktown effectively ended hostilities in the Revolutionary War. The N.C. General Assembly named Moore the state’s attorney general in 1783, a position previously held by James Iredell, for whom Iredell County (Statesville) is named. Moore served in the position for nine years.

Junius Davis, in an 1899 speech dedicating Moore’s portrait in the chambers of the North Carolina Supreme Court, described him as “small in stature, scarce five feet four inches in height, neat in dress, graceful in manner, but frail of body.” (Moore is often erroneously identified in histories of the courts as standing four feet, five inches tall.) Davis also ascribed to Moore “a dark, singularly penetrating eye, a clear sonorous voice” and “a keen sense of humor, a brilliant wit, a biting tongue, a masterful logic (that) made him an adversary at the bar to be feared.”

Moore acquired Gray’s property near Hillsborough in 1785, a year after a county was cut from Cumberland and named in his honor. He renamed the site “Moorefields” and over the years amassed 1,202 acres. Moorefields was a mile and three-quarters at its widest and more than two miles from north to south.

While spending summers in Orange County, Alfred Moore became a founder and benefactor of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He served on the board of trustees from 1789, when the university was established, through 1807.

Moore was among those who selected the site at which the state of North Carolina established the first public university to open its doors in the United States. He helped prepare a bill for prohibition of distillation or retailing of spiritous liquors within two miles of the school, and served on a committee that chose the device for the seal of the university corporation. While seeking to encourage subscriptions to the university in 1793, Moore was among its largest benefactors, contributing $200 and a pair of globes, the first apparatus for instruction presented to the institution of higher learning.

Meanwhile, in 1792 Moore, a Federalist, returned to legislative office, winning election to the state House of Commons. Two years later, at a time when state legislatures chose U.S. Senators, he was defeated by a single vote in seeking that office. Moore became a Superior Court judge in 1798 and the next year was nominated to the U.S. Supreme Court by President John Adams.

Moore became an Associate Justice, again succeeding Iredell, in August 1800. He retired in Febuary 1804. During Moore’s brief tenure the U.S. Supreme Court decided Marbury v. Madison, the case that established the doctrine of judicial review, asserting the right of American courts to overturn legislation deemed to violate the U.S. Constitution. Moore did not participate in the decision because he was en route to the capital when arguments in the case were heard.

Moore died at age 55 on October 15, 1810 at Belfont, his daughter’s home in Bladen County in eastern North Carolina. His son Alfred Moore, at one time the Speaker of the N.C. House, retained Moorefields and is buried in the family graveyard southwest of the house. So are two of Justice Moore’s daughters, Augusta W. Moore and Sara Louisa Moore.

Moore’s descendents included James Iredell Waddell, a Pittsboro native raised at Moorefields and later the commander of the CSS Shenandoah, the last Confederate warship to surrender following the Civil War and Alfred Moore Waddell, a Confederate cavalry colonel, Congressman (1871-79) and later mayor of Wilmington who was a leader in a notable 1898 white race riot in that city. Both men were descendents of General Hugh Waddell, regarded as the most prominent military leader in colonial North Carolina.

The Moorefields property was divided into five sections in 1847 in accordance with the terms of Justice Moore’s will. The segment containing the house — bordered by Rocky Run to the east, Seven Mile Creek to the northwest, and Gray’s Creek to the west — stayed longest in the family, ultimately purchased in 1913 by Thomas and Louise Webb. Six years later they sold the property to Ada and June Ray.

The Rays sold their 157 acres on May 14, 1949 to Edward Thayer Draper-Savage. The new owner was a noted artist and UNC French professor who translated for French pilots training at Chapel Hill during World War II.

Draper-Savage came upon Moorefields while looking for a place in the country where he might build a cinderblock studio in which to do sculpture and painting. Only after purchasing Moorefields did Draper-Savage, a Wilmington native, discover he was related by marriage to the Moores.

Draper-Savage, who lived in Paris during the 1920s and early 1930s, removed most of the farm buildings at Moorefields and laid out formal gardens in the French style. Included are a quarter-mile of privet hedges interspersed with junipers and flower beds. Draper-Savage also extensively restored and preserved the house, and for his efforts in 1960 was awarded the prestigious Cannon Cup by the North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities.

The Historic American Building Survey described Moorefields, one of the North Carolina’s earliest surviving examples of Federal style architecture, as “an elegant small rural manor house” and its uncommon, colonial Chinese Chippendale staircase the “most spectacular feature.” Reflecting the building’s historical and architectural significance, Moorefields was among the first North Carolina homes placed in the National Register of Historic Places in April 1972.

The most notable alteration to the structure — essentially a high central core with flanking right-angle wings — was the enclosure of the porch connecting the wings on the north side. A canopy was added over the entrance. Draper-Savage also restored the shed roof to the front porch, then removed the front stairs. They were later restored.

The parlor with its 14-foot ceiling was originally used for meals, the smaller rooms in the wings as bedrooms. Each corner post of the parlor, or Great Hall, is comprised of a single tree trunk. Most flooring in the house is the original heart-pine. The moldings, weatherboards, visible mantels and the western chimney are also original. Hand-hewn pegs and hand-wrought, rosehead nails were used in the construction.

Draper-Savage died on February 15, 1978 and is buried west of the house flanked by his cats. Upon his death the house and remaining acreage were conveyed to the Effie Draper Savage-Nellie Draper Dick Foundation for the Preservation of Moorefields. Named after Draper-Savage’s mother and her sister, the foundation is dedicated to maintaining the house and 70 acres of manicured grounds, woodlands and pasture in perpetuity. The Friends of Moorefields, a group of local residents, administer the foundation.

All furnishings in the house, including a remarkable collection of 19th century portraits of ancestors from Connecticut and Massachusetts, belonged to Draper-Savage. Among those depicted from life is Sukey Vickery, whose novel “Edith Hamilton,” published in 1803, was among the earliest examples of realistic American fiction written by a woman. She sat for her portrait in 1804.

The house was extensively renovated in 1982, with facilities added on the second story to accommodate a caretaker. More recently the roof, heating and cooling systems, front porch stairs, eaves, and electrical wiring were replaced through gifts and grants from individuals, businesses, and corporations. The house also was repainted inside and out and asbestos removed from pipes and the boiler beneath the house.

The four acres of lawns, quarter-mile of privet hedges, carefully delineated paths and flowerbeds are tended by organic methods. No pesticides or herbicides are used on the 40 acres of permanent pasture. The Cameron-Moore-Waddell Cemetery lies to the southwest of the house, with graves dating to the mid-1800s.

The crepe myrtles just inside the fence and the semicircle of red maples and red oaks on the south lawn were planted in 1982.

The entire property is maintained as a wildlife refuge and abuts Orange County’s 300-acre Seven Mile Creek Nature Preserve. Primitive campsites are available in concert with the county. The Friends host spring hikes to identify wildflowers, then historic roads and lastly birds an annual fundraising brunch on the lawn and a September bluegrass festival featuring local artists that was founded in 2014. Moorefields can be rented for weddings and other functions. Located at 2201 Moorefields Road in Hillsborough, Moorefields is open by appointment only.

Virtual author/book talk, Louise Endres Moore's "Alfred: The Quiet History of a World War II Infantryman"

Louise Endres Moore will talk her book, "Alfred: The Quiet History of a World War II Infantryman," a story of her father's experiences during WWII.

For 57 years, Alfred told his family he had been a barber, chauffeur, and German language translator during World War II within the U.S. Army. But following the death of his wife, Alfred started sharing with his daughter Louise a glimpse into his actual experiences. What began as a weekly napkin-capture of stories during nursing home visits with her dad became a nearly two decade deep dive into his true role in the war as a reluctant front-line machine gunner in Europe 1944-1945.

Intensely researched and thoroughly human, Alfred compiles a lifetime panorama of the experiences, emotions, and character of one infantryman who never wanted a part of the war but accepted it. He returned home, discernibly the gentle Wisconsin farmer he was when he left, to a family unaware of what he had done. And what he had survived.


Education and military service Edit

Moore was born in Gadsden, Alabama, the seat of Etowah County, to construction worker Roy Baxter Moore, who died in 1967, and the former Evelyn Stewart. His parents met and married after his father, who served during World War II, was discharged from the United States Army. Moore was the oldest of five children. While growing up, he had two brothers and two sisters. [26]

In 1954, the Moores relocated to Houston, Texas, the site of a postwar building boom. After about four years, they returned to Alabama, then moved to Pennsylvania, and then returned permanently to Alabama. Moore's father worked for the Tennessee Valley Authority, first building dams and later the Anniston Army Depot. Moore attended his freshman year of high school at Gallant near Gadsden, and transferred to Etowah County High School for his final three years, graduating in 1965. [26]

Moore was admitted to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York, on the recommendation of outgoing Democratic U.S. representative Albert Rains, and after confirmation of that nomination by incoming Republican representative James D. Martin of Gadsden. He graduated in 1969 with a Bachelor of Science degree. With the Vietnam War underway, Moore served in several posts as a military police officer, including Fort Benning, Georgia, and Illesheim, Germany, before being deployed to the Republic of Vietnam. Serving as the commander of 188th Military Police Company of the 504th Military Police Battalion, [27] Moore was perceived to be reckless, but very strict. He insisted his troops salute him on the battlefield, despite official training which discourages such behavior because salutes can identify an officer to enemy targeting. [28] Some of his soldiers gave him the derogatory nickname "Captain America", due to his attitude toward discipline. This role earned him enemies, and in his autobiography he recalls sleeping on sandbags to avoid a grenade or bomb being tossed under his cot, as many of his men had threatened him with fragging. [26]

Moore was discharged from the United States Army as a captain in 1974, and was admitted to the University of Alabama School of Law that same year. Professors and fellow students held him in low regard due to his incapacity for keen analysis. [28] He graduated in 1977 with a Juris Doctor degree and returned to Gadsden to begin private practice with a focus on personal injury and insurance cases.

Elections and travels Edit

Moore soon moved to the district attorney's office, working as the first full-time prosecutor in Etowah County. During his tenure there, Moore was investigated by the state bar for "suspect conduct" after convening a grand jury to examine what he perceived to have been funding shortages in the sheriff's office. Several weeks after the state bar investigation was dismissed as unfounded, Moore quit his prosecuting position to run as a Democrat for the county's circuit-court judge seat in 1982. The election was bitter, with Moore alleging that cases were being delayed in exchange for payoffs. The allegations were never substantiated. Moore overwhelmingly lost the Democratic runoff primary to fellow attorney Donald Stewart, whom Moore described as "an honorable man for whom I have much respect, (who) eventually became a close friend". [26] A second bar complaint against Moore followed, which was dismissed as unfounded. Moore left Gadsden shortly thereafter to live for a year in Australia. [29] [30]

In Australia, a country Moore said later he had wanted to visit after his service in Vietnam but was unable to at the time, he went to Queensland. From the state capital, Brisbane, he first went to Ayr and helped with the sugar cane harvest, then inland to what is now the Central Highlands Region, where he fulfilled his longtime desire to see the Outback, eventually working at the Telemon ranch near Springsure, a town where many residents are devout Christians. One of them, the Rolfe family, ran Telemon, and spoke highly of Moore to The Guardian in 2017, "I don't think he'd ever done that sort of manual labor in his life," said Isla Turner, daughter of Colin Rolfe, who had taken Moore in, "but he took to it like a duck to water". [31]

Moore returned to Gadsden in 1985, and at that time married Kayla Kisor. He ran in 1986 for Etowah County's district attorney position against fellow Democrat Jimmy Hedgspeth. Losing once more, Moore returned to private practice in the city. In 1992, Moore switched his affiliation to the Republican Party.

Circuit Judge (1992–2000) Edit

Appointment Edit

In 1992, Etowah County circuit judge Julius Swann died in office. Republican governor H. Guy Hunt was charged with making an appointment until the next election. Moore's name was floated by some of his associates, and a background check was initiated with several state and county agencies, including the Etowah County district attorney's office. Moore's former political opponent Jimmy Hedgspeth, who still helmed the D.A.'s office, recommended Moore despite personal reservations, and Moore was installed in the position he had failed to win in 1982. [32] Moore ran as a Republican in the 1994 Etowah County election and was elected to the circuit judge seat (6 year term) with 62% of the vote. He was the first county-wide Republican to win since Reconstruction.

Early prayer/Ten Commandments controversy Edit

During Moore's tenure as circuit judge, he hung a homemade wooden Ten Commandments plaque on the wall of his courtroom behind his bench. [33] Moore told the Montgomery Advertiser that his intention in hanging the plaque was to fill up the bare space on the courtroom walls and to indicate the importance of the Ten Commandments. He stated that it was not his intention to generate controversy. He told The Atlantic that he understood the potential for controversy existed, but "I wanted to establish the moral foundation of our law." [34]

While Moore presided over a murder case shortly after his appointment, the defendant's attorney objected to the plaque. This attracted the attention of critics who also objected to Moore's practice of opening court sessions with a prayer beseeching divine guidance for jurors in their deliberations. In at least one case, Moore asked a clergyman to lead the court's jury pool in prayer. The local branch of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) sent a letter in June 1993 threatening a lawsuit if such prayers did not cease. [32]

On June 20, 1994, the ACLU sent a representative to Moore's courtroom to observe and record the pre-session prayer. Although the organization did not immediately file suit, Moore decried the action as an "act of intimidation" in a post-trial press conference. The incident drew additional attention to Moore while he was campaigning to hold onto his circuit court seat. In that year's election, Moore won the seat in a landslide victory over attorney Keith Pitts, who had unsuccessfully prosecuted the "Silk and Satin" murder case. [35]

Lawsuit Edit

In March 1995, the ACLU filed a lawsuit against Moore, stating that the pre-court session prayers and the Ten Commandments display were both unconstitutional. This original lawsuit was eventually dismissed for technical reasons, but Governor Fob James instructed state attorney general Bill Pryor to file suit in Montgomery County in support of Moore. The case was tried before state circuit judge Charles Price, who in 1996 declared the prayers unconstitutional but initially allowed the Ten Commandments plaque to remain on the courtroom walls. [36]

Immediately after the ruling, Moore held a press conference vowing to defy the ruling against pre-session prayers and affirming a religious intent in displaying the plaque. Critics responded by asking Price to reconsider his previous ruling, and the judge issued a new ruling requiring the Ten Commandments plaque to be removed in ten days. Moore appealed Price's decision and kept the plaque up ten days later the Supreme Court of Alabama issued a temporary stay against the ruling. The Court never ruled in the case, throwing it out for technical reasons in 1998. [32]

Chief Justice, Alabama Supreme Court (2001–2003 and 2012–2017) Edit

Campaign and election Edit

In late 1999, the American Family Association began working to draft Moore into the race for chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, when incumbent Republican Perry O. Hooper, Sr., of Montgomery announced that he would not seek reelection. Moore said that he was hesitant to make the statewide race because he had "absolutely no funds" and three other candidates, particularly Associate Justice Harold See, were well-financed. [26]

Nevertheless, on December 7, 1999, Moore announced from his Etowah County courtroom that he would enter the race with the hope of returning "God to our public life and restore the moral foundation of our law". His campaign, centered on religious issues, arguing that Christianity's declining influence "corresponded directly with school violence, homosexuality, and crime". [32]

See was the heavy favorite to win the Republican nomination because of his support from the state business community and the party hierarchy, including Chief Justice Hooper. However, as Moore made headway in state polls, See elicited the help of Republican strategist Karl Rove, advisor to Texas governor and future president George W. Bush. Despite Rove's support and significantly more campaign funding, See lost the primary to Moore. Judge Moore also beat two other opponents, criminal appeals judge Pam Baschab, and Jefferson County presiding circuit judge Wayne Thorn, in the Republican Primary—without a runoff—garnering over 50% of the statewide primary vote. Judge Moore then easily defeated Democratic contender Sharon Yates in November's general election with over 60% of the vote.

Moore was sworn in as chief justice on January 15, 2001. Former U.S. representative James D. Martin, who had appointed Moore to West Point years earlier, was among the dignitaries in attendance. On taking the position, Moore said that he had "come to realize the real meaning of the First Amendment and its relationship to the God on whom the oath was based. My mind had been opened to the spiritual war occurring in our state and our nation that was slowly removing the knowledge of that relationship between God and law."

I pledged to support not only the U.S. Constitution, but the Alabama Constitution as well, which provided in its preamble that the state 'established justice' by 'invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God.' The connection between God and our law could not be more clear . [26]

Ten Commandments monument controversy Edit

Construction and installation Edit

A month after his election, Moore began making plans for a large monument to the Ten Commandments, believing that the Heflin-Torbert Judicial Building required something grander than a wooden plaque. His final design involved a 5,280-pound (2,390 kg) granite block, three feet (0.91 m) wide by three feet deep by four feet (1.2 m) tall, covered with quotes from the Declaration of Independence, the national anthem, and several founding fathers. [37] The crowning element would be two large carved tablets inscribed with the Ten Commandments. High-grade granite from Vermont was ordered and shipped, and Moore found benefactors and a sculptor to complete the job. [ citation needed ] Moore's actions were made without the consent or knowledge of the eight associate justices. [38] [39]

On the evening of July 31, 2001, Moore had the completed monument transported to the building and installed in the rotunda. Videotapes of this event were sold by Coral Ridge Ministries, an evangelical media outlet in Fort Lauderdale, Florida, which later used proceeds from the sales of the tapes to underwrite Moore's ensuing legal expenses. [40] [41]

The next morning, Moore held a press conference in the rotunda to publicly unveil the monument. In a speech following the unveiling, Moore declared, "Today a cry has gone out across our land for the acknowledgment of that God upon whom this nation and our laws were founded . May this day mark the restoration of the moral foundation of law to our people and the return to the knowledge of God in our land." [42]

Federal lawsuit Edit

On October 30, 2001, the ACLU of Alabama, Americans United for Separation of Church and State and the Southern Poverty Law Center were among groups that filed suit in the United States District Court for the Middle District of Alabama, asking that the monument be removed because it "sends a message to all who enter the Heflin-Torbert Judicial Building that the government encourages and endorses the practice of religion in general and Judeo-Christianity in particular". [43]

The trial, titled Glassroth v. Moore, began on October 15, 2002. Evidence for the plaintiffs included testimony that lawyers of different religious beliefs had changed their work practices, including routinely avoiding visiting the court building to avoid passing by the monument, and testimony that the monument created a religious atmosphere, with many people using the area for prayer. [44]

Moore argued that he would not remove the monument, as doing so would violate his oath of office:

[The monument] serves to remind the Appellate Courts and judges of the Circuit and District Court of this State and members of the bar who appear before them, as well as the people of Alabama who visit the [Heflin-Torbet Judicial Building], of the truth stated in the Preamble to the Alabama Constitution that in order to establish justice we must invoke 'the favor and guidance of almighty God'. [37]

On this note, Moore said that the Ten Commandments are the "moral foundation" of U.S. law, stating that in order to restore this foundation, "we must first recognize the source from which all morality springs . [by] recogniz[ing] the sovereignty of God." He added that the addition of the monument to the state judiciary building marked "the beginning of the restoration of the moral foundation of law to our people" and "a return to the knowledge of God in our land". [37]

Additionally, Moore acknowledged an explicit theistic intent in placing the monument, agreeing that the monument "reflects the sovereignty of God over the affairs of men" and "acknowledge[s] God's overruling power over the affairs of men". [45] However, in Moore's view this did not violate the doctrine of separation of church and state as the presiding judge later summarized it, Moore argued "the Judeo-Christian God reigned over both the church and the state in this country, and that both owed allegiance to that God," although they must keep their affairs separate. [37]

Judgment and appeal Edit

On November 18, 2002, federal U.S. district judge Myron Herbert Thompson issued his ruling declaring that the monument violated the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment to the United States Constitution and was thus unconstitutional:

If all Chief Justice Moore had done were to emphasize the Ten Commandments' historical and educational importance . or their importance as a model code for good citizenship . this court would have a much different case before it. But the Chief Justice did not limit himself to this he went far, far beyond. He installed a two-and-a-half ton monument in the most prominent place in a government building, managed with dollars from all state taxpayers, with the specific purpose and effect of establishing a permanent recognition of the 'sovereignty of God,' the Judeo-Christian God, over all citizens in this country, regardless of each taxpaying citizen's individual personal beliefs or lack thereof. To this, the Establishment Clause says no. [37]

Judge Thompson's decision mandated that Moore remove the monument from the state judicial building by January 3, 2003, but stayed this order on December 23, 2002, after Moore appealed the decision to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. This appeal was argued on June 4, 2003, before a three-judge panel in Atlanta, Georgia. On July 1, 2003, the panel issued a ruling upholding the lower court's decision, agreeing that "the monument fails two of Lemon 's three prongs. It violates the Establishment Clause." Additionally, the court noted that different religious traditions assign different wordings of the Ten Commandments, meaning that "choosing which version of the Ten Commandments to display can have religious endorsement implications". [45]

In response to the appeals court's decision, Judge Thompson lifted his stay on August 5, 2003, requiring Moore to have the monument removed from public areas of the state judicial building by August 20. [46]

Protests and monument removal Edit

On August 14, Moore announced his intention to defy Judge Thompson's order to have the monument removed. Two days later, large rallies in support of Moore and the Ten Commandments monument formed in front of the judicial building, featuring speakers such as Alan Keyes, the Reverend Jerry Falwell, and Moore himself. The crowd peaked at an estimated count of 4,000 that day, [47] and anywhere from several hundred to over a thousand protesters remained through the end of August.

The time limit for removal expired on August 20, with the monument still in place in the building's rotunda. As specified in Judge Thompson's order, the state of Alabama faced fines of $5,000 a day until the monument was removed. In response, the eight other members of the Alabama Supreme Court intervened on August 21, unanimously overruled Moore, and ordered the removal of the monument. [48] [49]

Moore said that Thompson, "fearing that I would not obey his order, decided to threaten other state officials and force them to remove the monument if I did not do so. A threat of heavy fines was his way of coercing obedience to that order," an action that Moore saw as a violation of the Eleventh Amendment to the United States Constitution. [26]

On August 27, the monument was moved to a non-public side room in the judicial building. [50] The monument was not immediately removed from the building for several reasons—pending legal hearings, the monument's weight, worries that the monument could break through the floor if it was taken outside intact, and a desire to avoid confrontation with protesters massed outside the structure. The monument was not actually removed from the state judicial building until July 19, 2004. [51]

Removal from office Edit

On August 22, 2003, two days after the deadline for the Ten Commandments monument's removal had passed, the Alabama Judicial Inquiry Commission (JIC) filed a complaint with the Alabama Court of the Judiciary (COJ), a panel of judges, lawyers and others appointed variously by judges, legal leaders, the governor and the lieutenant governor. The complaint effectively suspended Moore from the chief justice position pending a hearing by the COJ. [52]

The COJ ethics hearing was held on November 12, 2003. Moore repeated his earlier sentiment that "to acknowledge God cannot be a violation of the Canons of Ethics. Without God there can be no ethics." He also acknowledged that he would repeat his defiance of the court order if given another opportunity to do so, and that if he returned to office, "I certainly wouldn't leave [the monument] in a closet, shrouded from the public." In closing arguments, the assistant attorney general said Moore's defiance, left unchecked, "undercuts the entire workings of the judicial system . What message does that send to the public, to other litigants? The message it sends is: If you don't like a court order, you don't have to follow it." [53]

The next day, the COJ issued a unanimous opinion ruling that "Chief Justice Moore has violated the Alabama Canons of Judicial Ethics as alleged by the JIC in its complaint." The COJ had several disciplinary options, including censure or suspension without pay, but because Moore's responses had indicated he would defy any similar court orders in the future, the COJ concluded that "under these circumstances, there is no penalty short of removal from office that would resolve this issue." [54]

Moore appealed the COJ's ruling to the Supreme Court of Alabama on December 10, 2003. A special panel of retired judges and justices was randomly selected to hear the case. Moore argued that the COJ did not consider the underlying legality of the federal courts' order that the monument be removed from the courthouse. The Alabama Supreme Court rejected this argument, saying that the COJ did not have the authority to overrule the federal courts, only to determine whether Moore violated the Canons of Judicial Ethics. Therefore, the Court reasoned, it was enough to show that a procedurally-valid order was in place against Moore. Moore also argued that the COJ had imposed a religious test on him to hold his office, and that the COJ's actions had violated his own rights under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment. [55]

The Supreme Court of Alabama rejected each of these arguments as well, and ruled on April 30, 2004, that the COJ had acted properly. The court also upheld the sanction of removal as appropriate. [55]

Return to the bench Edit

Moore sought to return to the bench, and in the March 2012 Republican primary for chief justice of Alabama, Moore won the Republican nomination, defeating the sitting Chief Justice Chuck Malone (who had been appointed by Governor Bentley the previous year) and Mobile County circuit judge Charles Graddick. [56] [57]

In the November 2012 general election, Moore defeated the Democratic nominee, Jefferson County circuit judge Bob Vance, and returned to the bench. [58] Moore received 913,021 votes, to Vance's 850,816 votes. [59]

Views on same-sex marriage Edit

On January 28, 2015, the Southern Poverty Law Center filed a judicial ethics complaint against Moore, stating that he had publicly commented on pending same-sex marriage cases and encouraged state officials and judges to ignore federal court rulings overturning bans on same-sex marriage. [60] [61]

Moore issued an order to probate judges and their employees on February 8, the day before a federal court ruling legalizing same-sex marriage in Alabama was set to take effect, ordering them to disregard the ruling and enforce the state's ban under threat of legal action by the governor. [62] On February 9, after the United States Supreme Court allowed the federal court ruling to take effect, probate judges in Birmingham, Montgomery, and Huntsville disobeyed Moore and issued marriage licenses to same-sex couples. [63]

On January 6, 2016, after the U.S. Supreme Court issued its opinion in Obergefell v. Hodges the previous June, Moore issued an administrative order to lower court judges stating, "until further decision by the Alabama Supreme Court, the existing orders of the Alabama Supreme Court that Alabama probate judges have a ministerial duty not to issue any marriage license contrary to the Alabama Sanctity of Marriage Amendment or the Alabama Marriage Protection Act remain in full force and effect." [64]

2016 suspension from the bench and resignation Edit

On May 6, 2016, the Alabama Judicial Inquiry Commission (JIC) forwarded a list of six charges of ethical violations by Moore to the Alabama Court of the Judiciary. [65] Moore was suspended from the Alabama Supreme Court pending trial and ruling. Moore faced removal from office over the charges, which were more serious than those which removed him from office in 2003. [66] [67] The JIC's complaint charged Moore with violating the Alabama Canon of Judicial Ethics by: [65]

  1. disregarding a federal injunction.
  2. demonstrated unwillingness to follow clear law.
  3. abuse of administrative authority.
  4. substituting his judgment for the judgment of the entire Alabama Supreme Court, including failure to abstain from public comment about a pending proceeding in his own court.
  5. interference with legal process and remedies in the United States District Court and/or Alabama Supreme Court related to proceedings in which Alabama probate judges were involved.
  6. failure to recuse himself from pending proceedings in the Alabama Supreme Court after making public comment and placing his impartiality into question.

On May 27, Moore filed a federal lawsuit against the JIC (Moore v. Judicial Inquiry Commission), alleging that his automatic suspension was unconstitutional. [68] [69] On August 4, the federal district court dismissed Moore's suit, ruling that under the abstention doctrine, federal courts generally do not interfere with ongoing state court proceedings. [70] [71]

Suspension by the Court of the Judiciary Edit

In June 2016, Moore filed a motion to dismiss the JIC proceedings, arguing, among other things, that the JIC and Alabama Court of the Judiciary lacked jurisdiction to review administrative orders that he issued and that the orders of the Alabama Supreme Court were still in effect from the Alabama Policy Institute proceedings prohibiting the issuance of same-sex marriage licenses by probate judges in Alabama, despite the rulings in Obergefell v. Hodges issued by the U.S. Supreme Court, Searcy v. Strange, Strawser v. Strange, and the decision of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit, which held that the orders were abrogated by Obergefell. [65] [72] [73] [74] [75] The Court of the Judiciary set a hearing date for the motion to dismiss and ruled that it would be treated as a motion for summary judgment pertaining to the charges filed by the JIC. [76] [77]

The Human Rights Campaign, an LGBT rights group, responded: "It is clear that Roy Moore not only believes he is above the law, he believes he is above judicial ethics . Moore was tasked with upholding the law of the land when marriage equality was affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States, and he defied that task, in the process harming loving, committed same-sex couples across Alabama for his own personal, discriminatory reasons." [78]

In July 2016, the JIC filed a cross-motion for summary judgment, asking the Court of the Judiciary to issue summary judgment removing Moore from the bench. Attorneys for the JIC wrote: "Because the chief justice has proven—and promised—that he will not change his behavior, he has left this Court with no choice but to remove him from office to preserve the integrity, independence, impartiality of Alabama's judiciary and the citizens who depend on it for justice." [79] [80] [81] In their reply, Moore (through his attorneys at Liberty Counsel) denied that Moore had directed Alabama's probate judges to disobey an injunction issued by the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama, asserting that the orders of the Alabama Supreme Court, which required Alabama's probate judges to deny marriage licenses to same-sex couples, were still in effect. Moore argued that his January 6 administrative order was mischaracterized by the JIC, despite the fact that the January 6 order stated "Until further decision by the Alabama Supreme Court, the existing orders of the Alabama Supreme Court that Alabama probate judges have a ministerial duty not to issue any marriage license contrary to the Alabama Sanctity of Marriage Amendment or the Alabama Marriage Protection Act remain in full force and effect." [82] [83] [84] [85]

At an August 2016 hearing before the Alabama Court of the Judiciary on the motions to dismiss and for summary judgment, Moore's attorneys continued to assert that Moore did not order probate judges to disobey the injunction issued by the U.S. District Court or the U.S. Supreme Court ruling on same-sex marriage. The attorney for the JIC responded that Moore's argument "defies common sense" and said that Moore was defying a federal court order, just as he did in 2003, and should be immediately removed from office. [86] [87] The Alabama Court of the Judiciary subsequently denied both Moore's motion and the JIC motion and set a trial date. [88]

On September 30, 2016, Moore was found guilty of all six charges and suspended for the remainder of his term, slated to end in 2019. [89] In its 50-page order, the Court of the Judiciary stated it did not find credible Moore's claim that the purpose for the January 6 order was "merely to provide a 'status update' to the state's probate judges". [89] The ruling meant that Moore would not receive a salary paid for the remainder of his term. Moore also was ordered to pay court costs. The ruling effectively ended Moore's Supreme Court career, as he would not be eligible for reelection in 2018 because he will be above the maximum age (in Alabama, candidates for the Court must be 69 years of age or younger). [90] [91]

Appeal to the Alabama Supreme Court and resignation Edit

In October 2016, Moore filed a notice of appeal with the Court of the Judiciary appealing his suspension and the final judgment to the Alabama Supreme Court. Among other claims, Moore contended that neither the JIC nor the COJ had jurisdiction to investigate and punish him for his issuance of the Administrative Order of January 6, 2016 that the six charges against him had not been proven by clear and convincing evidence, and that by "suspending him" without pay for the remainder of his term, the COJ had effectively removed him from office without unanimous agreement of the COJ, as required under Alabama law. [92] [93] [94] [95] Pending the appeal, Moore refused to clean out his office. [96]

The Alabama Supreme Court randomly selected seven retired judges to review the appeal of Moore's suspension, [97] [98] [99] Governor Robert Bentley issued an executive order formally appointing the special Supreme Court of these seven retired justices to hear Moore's appeal from the decision of the COJ that suspended him from the bench for the remainder of his term. [100]

In December 2016, Moore—represented by the group Liberty Counsel—filed his appeal brief with the special Alabama Supreme Court. [101] [102] [103] [104] [105] Eight current and retired Alabama judges filed an amicus brief in support of Moore, asserting in their filings that Moore's suspension was, in fact, a removal from office and contrary to Alabama law since it required unanimous agreement of the COJ, despite the fact the COJ did unanimously agree in their final judgment to suspend Moore for the remainder of his term. [106] [107]

At Moore's request, [108] oral argument was canceled to speed up the proceedings, and the special Supreme Court agreed to rule on the case based on the written submissions of the parties. [109] [110] [111]

On April 20, the special Supreme Court upheld Moore's suspension. [112] In its opinion, the special Supreme Court ruled that all of the JIC's charges against Moore were supported by clear and convincing evidence. The Court also ruled that it did not have authority to rescind the sanctions imposed on Moore because the charges were amply supported by clear and convincing evidence, and that the JIC was unanimous in their decision to suspend Moore for the remainder of his term. [113]

Six days following the court's ruling, Moore resigned from the Alabama Supreme Court [114]

He then announced he would be running for the United States Senate. [4] [5] About Moore's candidacy, Richard Shelby, Alabama's senior U.S. senator, harbored concerns about him long before sexual misconduct allegations surfaced, including his willingness as a judge to disobey judicial orders, saying, "I disagree with a lot of court decisions . but still it's the law." [115]

Moore founded the nonprofit Christian legal organization Foundation for Moral Law in 2002. [116] Moore's wife, Kayla, is the president of the Foundation for Moral Law. [117]

In 2005, Moore's Foundation for Moral Law accepted a $1,000 contribution from a neo-Nazi organization founded by Willis Carto, a prominent Holocaust denier. The donation attracted attention during Moore's 2017 campaign for a Senate seat. [118] [119] [120]

Undisclosed salary payment controversy Edit

Moore stated that he did not draw a "regular salary" from the organization. In October 2017, however, The Washington Post reported that Moore had arranged an annual salary of $180,000 for himself from the foundation. [25] From 2007 to 2012, he collected more than $1 million, an amount far surpassing the nonprofit's declarations in its public tax filings, because of what the Post called "errors and gaps in the group's federal tax filings". [25] The Washington Post reported that Moore arranged the salary and that, in 2012 when the charity could not pay his full salary, Moore received a note promising that he would get the salary in back pay or a stake in the assets of the foundation. [25] The foundation paid for Moore's health-care benefits, travel expenses, and bodyguard, and the foundation's website has regularly promoted Moore's speaking arrangements and book. [25] It employed at least two of Moore's children and Moore's wife. She was paid $65,000 annually after he again took his seat on the Alabama Supreme Court. [25] The Washington Post also said that there was considerable overlap between the charity and Moore's political activities, with previous top officials of the charity leading Moore's 2017 Senate campaign and with the charity using the same fundraising firm as Moore's campaigns. [25]

The foundation's former chair, Alabama circuit court judge John Bentley, denied that the board did anything wrong intentionally, but was unable to explain shortcomings in tax filings and audits. He admitted that the board failed to provide sufficient oversight and that he personally had been less involved than his position required. He acknowledged the foundation was effectively run entirely by Moore and his family. [25]

The Internal Revenue Service (IRS) warned the foundation about discrepancies in its tax filings in 2013, saying that the issues "could jeopardize your exempt status". [25] Multiple charity and tax law experts have said that the foundation's activities "raised questions about compliance with IRS rules, including prohibitions on the use of a charity for the private benefit or enrichment of an individual". [25] Additional reporting by The Washington Post that October found the $498,000 Moore was guaranteed in back pay was not declared to the IRS tax experts say that it should have been and that Moore would have had to pay more than $100,000 in federal tax. [121]

2004 Edit

Moore considered running for the nomination of the Republican Party and the Constitution Party in the 2004 presidential election. [122] Despite encouragement from several corners, Moore did not pursue the nomination. [123]

In 2004, along with Herb Titus, Moore was an original drafter of the Constitution Restoration Act, [124] which sought to remove federal courts' jurisdiction over a government official or entity's "acknowledgment of God as the sovereign source of law, liberty, or government", and provided for the impeachment of judges who failed to do so. The bill was introduced in both houses of Congress in 2004 and then reintroduced in 2005, but languished in committee both times.

2006 Edit

In October 2005, Moore announced that he would run against Governor Bob Riley in the 2006 Republican gubernatorial primary. [125] Moore's campaign relied largely on his popularity among Christian right voters. [125] [126] However, Moore consistently performed poorly in polling and in fundraising. [126]

In the June 2006 primary, Riley won the primary, 306,665 (66.6 percent) to 153,354 (33.34 percent). [127] Following such a major defeat, Moore accused the chair of the state's Republican Party of bias towards Riley and called on her to resign he also criticized President Bush for praising Riley's administration. His criticism of the state Republican Party was so harsh that he eventually had to call a press conference to quell rumors that he would run as an independent if he lost the Republican primary. [128] In his concession speech, Moore told supporters that "God's will has been done." Moore did not call Riley to concede and refused to support Riley in the general election because of Riley's acceptance of campaign contributions from political action committees. [128]

2010 Edit

In 2009, Moore launched another campaign for governor of Alabama in 2010 election. [129] In the first round of the June 2010 Republican primary election, Moore came in fourth place with 19.31% of the vote, behind Bradley Byrne (27.89%), Robert J. Bentley (25.15%), and Tim James (25.12%). [130]

2012 Edit

On April 18, 2011, Moore announced that he was forming an exploratory committee to run in the Republican presidential primaries in 2012. [131] [132] When that campaign failed to gain traction, he began to draw speculation in the media as being a potential Constitution Party presidential contender. [123] [133] [ unreliable source ] In November 2011, Moore withdrew his exploratory committee and ended all speculation of a presidential candidacy when he instead announced that he would in 2012 seek his former post of chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. [134] On November 6, 2012, Moore won election back to the office of Alabama chief justice, defeating replacement Democratic candidate Bob Vance. [135]

2017 Edit

On April 26, 2017, Moore, who had been suspended from the Alabama Supreme Court since September 2016, stated that he had submitted retirement papers and would resign as chief justice in order to run for the U.S. Senate seat vacated earlier by Jeff Sessions, who left the Senate to become U.S. attorney general. Governor Robert J. Bentley appointed Luther Strange to fill the vacancy, and Strange also sought the Republican nomination in the special election. [136]

Republican U.S. Senate primary Edit

On August 15, 2017, Moore and Strange advanced to the primary runoff after Moore finished first with 38.87% of the vote to Strange's 32.83%. [137] President Donald Trump reluctantly supported Moore's opponent Strange during the primary, [138] dispensing with traditional presidential caution in becoming involved with contested primaries, [139] [140] and almost the whole national Republican establishment wanted Strange to win. [141] [142] [143] Trump's efforts on behalf of Strange included a series of tweets, and a rally in Alabama, where he admitted that he "might have made a mistake" in his endorsement of Strange and emphasized repeatedly that he would support Moore if he won, but still urged voters to vote for Strange. [144] [139] [145]

Moore was outspent in the runoff by a margin of 10-to-1, thanks in part to the efforts of Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell. [141] [146] On September 26, 2017, Moore defeated Strange in the Republican primary runoff election to become the Republican nominee. [147] This marked the first time since 2010 that an insurgent defeated an incumbent U.S. Senator having active White House support. [148] The percentages were 54.6% for Moore, to 45.4% for Strange.

U.S. Senate special election campaign Edit

Moore faced Democratic nominee Doug Jones, a former United States attorney, and several write-in candidates in a special election on December 12, 2017. [149] [150] Moore turned down debate invitations extended by the League of Women Voters [151] and WHNT-TV and AL.com. [152] [153] Moore said that he refused to debate Jones because of Jones's "very liberal stance on transgenderism and transgenderism in the military and in bathrooms". [154]

In early November, when sexual misconduct allegations against Moore were reported, many Republicans at the national level called for Moore to drop out of the race or withdrew their endorsements of him. [155] [156] At the time of the revelations, it was too close to the election for Moore's name to be removed from the ballot. [157] Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and House Speaker Paul Ryan said he should step aside, [158] [159] as did U.S. Senator John McCain and former U.S. presidential candidate Mitt Romney. [160] [155] Other senators withdrew their endorsements of Moore's Senate candidacy. [156] [161] [162] [163] President Donald Trump initially said Moore should step aside if the charges were true, but otherwise expressed support for Moore. [164] Trump later formally endorsed Moore. [165] [166] Alabama Republicans largely defended Moore from the accusations [167] [168] an exception was Richard Shelby, the state's U.S. senator since 1987, who said two days before the election the accusations against Moore were "believable" and that "Alabama deserves better." He said he wrote in the name of another Republican on his absentee ballot. [115]

The Republican National Committee (RNC) and the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC) temporarily withdrew funding from his campaign. [169]

A week before the election, Trump strongly endorsed Moore. [165] Following Trump's endorsement, the RNC reinstated their support for him, [169] and McConnell said he would "let the people of Alabama decide" whether to elect Moore. [170] Just four days before the election, Trump appeared at a rally in Pensacola, Florida, near the border of Alabama, and again endorsed Moore. [171]

During a campaign speech in Florence, Alabama, in 2017, Moore decried racial divisions plaguing the United States, stating: "Now we have blacks and whites fighting, reds and yellows fighting, Democrats and Republicans fighting, men and women fighting. What's going to unite us? What's going to bring us back together? A president? A Congress? No. It's going to be God." Moore's reference to "reds" and "yellows" was criticized as racially insensitive. [172] [173] Moore's campaign responded, stating that his statement was based on the religious song "Jesus Loves the Little Children". [174] In the same speech, when a spectator asked when Moore thought America was last great, Moore responded: "I think it was great at the time when families were united. Even though we had slavery, they cared for one another. . Our families were strong, our country had a direction." [175]

In the December 12 election, Moore lost to Jones, who received 671,151 votes (49.9%) to Moore's 650,436 votes (48.4%). [176] Moore refused to concede despite Trump, Bannon, and others urging him to do so. [177] [178] He told his followers in a YouTube video posted to his campaign account that "it's not over." He added that he wanted to wait for military votes to be counted and the results to be certified. [179] A number of right-leaning websites pushed conspiracy theories about voter fraud providing the margin for Jones. [180]

Alabama secretary of state John Merrill told The Washington Post that the result would be certified on December 28, 2017. [180] If the final margin of victory had been less than 0.5%, then a recount would have been automatically triggered. [181] In cases where the margin is greater than 0.5 percent, either candidate can request a recount at his or her expense. However, Merrill estimated that a recount could cost anywhere from $1 million to $1.5 million, an amount that must be paid in full when the request is made. Moore had only $636,046 on hand by the time the campaign ended. [178] On December 28, Merrill and Alabama governor Kay Ivey certified the results of the senatorial election [182] despite a last-minute lawsuit from the Moore campaign (rejected by a state judge) seeking a new election on the grounds of voter fraud. [183]

He became the first Republican to lose a statewide race in Alabama since Republican Twinkle Andress Cavanaugh lost the 2008 president of the Alabama Public Service Commission election to Democratic former lieutenant governor Lucy Baxley. Moore was the first Republican to lose a United States Senate election in Alabama since Richard Sellers in 1992. Jones became the first Democrat to gain a Senate seat since Richard Shelby defeated incumbent Republican Jeremiah Denton in 1986 in a similarly narrow election, though Shelby joined the Republican Party eight years later. Jones also became the first Democrat to represent Alabama in the United States Senate since Howell Heflin's retirement in 1997.

In April 2018, Moore filed a lawsuit in Etowah County alleging "there was a political conspiracy against him in the 2017 special election". The former was filed against sexual misconduct accusers that came to prominence during the election. [184]

2020 Edit

Moore announced on June 20, 2019 that he would challenge Doug Jones once again for his Senate seat in the 2020 election. [185] He failed to earn the Republican party nomination, receiving only 7.16% [186] of the vote in the primary election. [187]

According to Business Insider, Moore has a "history of far-right and conspiracy-aligned positions" on issues such as homosexuality, race, Islam, and terrorism. [188] According to CNN, Moore's "virulent anti-gay, right-wing views made him a national figure". [16] According to The New York Times, Moore "is a staunch evangelical Christian, and his often-inflammatory political beliefs are informed by his strongly held religious views". [189] Moore has been considered a "rising star of the alt-right movement" by The Jerusalem Post and an "alt-right hero" by The Washington Post. [190] [191]

Abortion Edit

Moore is strongly anti-abortion. In a 2014 Supreme Court ruling, he said that laws should protect life "from the moment of conception". [192] He seeks to defund Planned Parenthood. [193]

American exceptionalism Edit

Moore has been skeptical of modern American exceptionalism, saying that "America promotes a lot of bad things." Moore argued that the United States is an "Evil Empire" comparable to the Soviet Union, saying that America is "the focus of evil in the modern world". When asked for a clarification, Moore gave an example of America culturally exporting acceptance of homosexuality around the world. [194] [195]

"Birther" movement and other conspiracy theories Edit

Moore was a leading proponent of the birther movement, the debunked conspiracy theory postulating that Barack Obama is not a U.S. citizen. [23] [196] He repeatedly promoted the conspiracy theory from 2008 and through to at least December 2016. Asked if he still questioned Obama's citizenship in August 2017, the Moore campaign declined to answer questions from the media. [196] [197] As chief justice of the Supreme Court of Alabama, he opined that Alabama's secretary of state should "investigate the qualifications of those candidates who appeared on the 2012 general-election ballot". [196] In 2011, Moore appeared twice on the Aroostook Watchmen radio program, a conspiracy-theory show hosted by two Maine men who promote "birther" falsehoods as well as "false flag" conspiracy theories about the September 11 attacks, the Sandy Hook massacre, Boston bombing, and other mass shootings and terrorist attacks. [198]

Moore has also suggested, without providing any evidence, that former president Barack Obama is secretly a Muslim. [24]

Church and state Edit

Because of his focus on religion in politics, he has earned the nickname of 'Ayatollah of Alabama' among his critics. [17]

In a January 2014 speech in Mississippi, Moore said that the Framers of the Declaration of Independence and the Founding Fathers attributed our rights to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" as coming from a specific God, stating "Buddha didn't create us, Mohammed didn't create us, it was the God of the Holy Scriptures." [199] The speech prompted criticism because it appeared to suggest that non-Christians did not enjoy religious protections under the First Amendment. In a subsequent interview, Moore said that the First Amendment protects all faiths: "It applies to the rights God gave us to be free in our modes of thinking, and as far as religious liberty to all people, regardless of what they believe." [200]

Civil rights Edit

Moore was a strong opponent of a proposed amendment to the Alabama Constitution in 2004. Known as Amendment 2, the proposed legislation would have removed wording from the state constitution that referred to poll taxes and required separate schools for "white and colored children", a practice already outlawed due to civil rights-era legislation during the Civil Rights Movement. Moore and other opponents of the measure argued that the amendment's wording would have allowed federal judges to force the state to fund public school improvements with increased taxes. Voters in Alabama narrowly defeated the proposed amendment, with a margin of 1,850 votes out of 1.38 million cast. Moore's opposition has been cited as a reason for the failure of the referendum. [201] [202]

In 2011, Moore said on Aroostook Watchmen, a right-wing conspiracy radio show that getting rid of all the constitutional amendments after the Tenth Amendment would "eliminate many problems". [198] Amendments adopted after the Tenth Amendment include the Thirteenth Amendment (which abolished slavery) the Fifteenth Amendment (which barred the government from denying persons the right to vote based on the "race, color, or previous condition of servitude") and the Nineteenth Amendment (which guaranteed women's suffrage). [198] In the same appearance, when asked about the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution (which provides for equal protection of the laws), Moore said that he has "very serious problems with its approval by the states". [198] During his 2017 campaign, when asked about these statements, a spokesman for Moore said that he did not favor repeal of these amendments but was merely expressing concern over "the historical trend since the ratification of the Bill of Rights" of "federal empowerment over state empowerment". [198]

In a November 2017 speech at a revival in Jackson, Roy Moore stated that "they started [to] create new rights in 1965, and today we've got a problem" in an apparent reference to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. [203]

Confederacy Edit

Neo-Confederate groups held events at the Foundation for Moral Law, a foundation led by Moore, in 2009 and 2010. [204] The events "promoted a history of the Civil War sympathetic to the Confederate cause, in which the conflict is presented as one fought over the federal government violating the South's sovereignty as opposed to one fought chiefly over the preservation of slavery". [204]

The foundation's then-executive director, Rich Hobson, now [ when? ] Moore's campaign manager, claimed in 2010 that Moore was unaware of these events and that it was Hobson who approved them. [204]

Education Edit

In 2007, Moore opposed preschool, claiming that attendees are "much more likely to learn a liberal social and political philosophy" and that state involvement in early childhood education is characteristic of totalitarianism. [205]

Evolution Edit

Moore rejects the theory of evolution, saying "There is no such thing as evolution. That we came from a snake? No, I don't believe that." [189] In 2010, Moore ran attack ads in the Republican gubernatorial primary against his opponent Bradley Byrne, questioning Byrne's faith on the grounds that he had supported the teaching of evolution while on a local school board. (In response, Byrne ran ads claiming to be a creationist.) [206] [207]

Free speech Edit

In an October 2017 interview with Time, Moore said regarding NFL players who protested police violence by kneeling during the playing of the national anthem: "It's against the law, you know that? It was a [sic] act of Congress that every man stand and put their hand over their heart. That's the law." [208] [209] [210] This assertion is incorrect assuming Moore was calling for enforcement for civilians, the United States Flag Code, which outlines proper conduct when the national anthem is played, is an advisory description of proper etiquette, not an enforceable law. [211] The US Flag Code does not reference standing for the national anthem.

Trade Edit

When asked whether he approved of free trade, Moore stated that he supported protectionism. [212] Moore has suggested pulling out of various free trade agreements, saying that he would rescind "unfair free trade agreements which have severely damaged our economy". [213]

Immigration Edit

In July 2017, Moore stated that he was unfamiliar with what the Dreamer program was. [189] Later, in September 2017, Moore criticized Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), which grants temporary stay to unauthorized immigrants brought to the United States as children. [189]

Views on LGBT people Edit

Moore has been described as holding "virulently anti-gay" beliefs. [188] [16] Moore is supportive of laws to make homosexuality illegal, and has argued that same-sex parents are unfit to raise children, that openly gay individuals should not be allowed to serve in government, and that the legitimization of various forms of "sodomy" may cause suffering in the United States. [188] [16] [214] He believes that homosexuality goes against "the laws of nature" and stated it is comparable to bestiality. [215]

In 1996, while presiding over a divorce case, Moore ruled that a mother who had had a lesbian affair would lose custody of her children to the father and that she could not be allowed see her children unless she was supervised. [216] Moore wrote in his ruling, "The court strongly feels that the minor children will be detrimentally affected by the present lifestyle of [Mrs. Borden] who has engaged in a homosexual relationship during her marriage, forbidden both by the laws of the State of Alabama and the Laws of Nature." [216] The Court of Civil Appeals removed Moore from the case, a decision that was later affirmed by the Alabama Supreme Court. [216]

In February 2002, as Alabama Chief Justice, Moore issued a controversial opinion that expressed his belief that the state should use its powers to punish "homosexual behavior". The case, D.H. v. H.H., was a custody dispute where a lesbian was petitioning for custody of her children, alleging abuse by her ex-husband. A circuit court in Alabama had ruled in favor of the father, but the Alabama Court of Civil Appeals overturned that verdict 4–1, saying that substantial evidence existed of abusive behavior by the father. [217] In a concurring opinion in the case, Moore stated that a parent's homosexuality should be a deciding factor in determining which parent gets custody over children: "Homosexual behavior is a ground for divorce, an act of sexual misconduct punishable as a crime in Alabama, a crime against nature, an inherent evil, and an act so heinous that it defies one's ability to describe it. That is enough under the law to allow a court to consider such activity harmful to a child." [218]

In 2016, Moore was suspended from the Alabama Supreme Court for instructing state probate judges to deny marriage licenses to same-sex couples, in contravention of Obergefell v. Hodges, in which the U.S. Supreme Court determined that same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry. [219]

In 2017, Moore called for impeaching judges who have issued rulings supportive of homosexuality and same-sex marriage. [215] In November 2016, Moore argued that the Obergefell ruling was worse than the 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford ruling (which declared that African-Americans, whether enslaved or free, were property and could not be American citizens). [220] The Dred Scott ruling is widely considered as the worst Supreme Court ruling. [221] [222]

In November 2017, Moore said that transgender people "don't have rights". [154]

Divine retribution Edit

In August 2017, Moore suggested that the September 11 attacks were a punishment by God for Americans' declining religiosity. [223] [188] Moore has also suggested that the Sandy Hook shooting, which killed 28 people (including 20 children), was "because we've forgotten the law of God". [224] Moore has also said that suffering in the United States may be because "we legitimize sodomy" and "legitimize abortion". [188] The Washington Post commented that "among the prices [Moore] says this country has paid for denying God's supremacy: the high murder rate in Chicago, crime on the streets of Washington, child abuse, rape and sodomy." [215]

Opposition to Islam Edit

Moore has called for banning Muslims from serving in Congress, described Islam as a "false religion" and made unsubstantiated claims about Sharia law in the United States. [188] [16] When asked by a reporter where in the United States that Sharia law was being practiced, Moore said "Well, there's Sharia law, as I understand it, in Illinois, Indiana—up there. I don't know." [225] [226] Asked if it was not an amazing claim for a Senate candidate to make, Moore said "Well, let me just put it this way—if they are, they are if they're not, they're not." [225]

In 2006, Moore wrote that Keith Ellison of Minnesota, the first Muslim to have been elected to the United States House of Representatives, should be barred from sitting in Congress because in his view, a Muslim could not honestly take the oath of office. Moore said that the Quran did not allow for religions other than Islam to exist, and added, "common sense alone dictates that in the midst of a war with Islamic terrorists we should not place someone in a position of great power who shares their doctrine." [227]

Vladimir Putin and Russia interference Edit

Moore has strongly praised Russian president Vladimir Putin, stating that he is maybe "more akin to me than I know [myself]". When asked whether he believed that Russia interfered in the 2016 United States elections, Moore stated, "Everybody else thinks it's the Russians. I think it was the providential hand of God." [194] [195]

Marriage and children Edit

Moore first saw his future wife, Kayla Kisor, when she was in her mid-teens performing at a dance recital. Moore was 31 at the time. In his 2005 autobiography, Moore described his reaction, writing: "I knew Kayla was going to be a special person in my life." [228] In 1984, Moore and Kayla Kisor Heald met again at a Christmas party. She was then a married mother. She filed for divorce from her first husband on December 28, 1984, and was divorced on April 19, 1985. Roy Moore married Kayla on December 14, 1985. He was 38 she was 24. [229] They have four adult children. [230]

Columnist Edit

Moore wrote weekly columns for the far-right website WorldNetDaily from 2006 to 2009. [231] [232]

Sexual misconduct allegations Edit

In November 2017, during Moore's U.S. Senate campaign, nine women accused him of inappropriate sexual or social conduct. [233] Three of the women said they had been sexually assaulted by Moore when they were aged 14, 16, and 28. [8] [ clarification needed ] The other six described him pursuing a romantic relationship with them while he was in his 30s and they were as young as 16, but said there had not been any inappropriate sexual contact. [7] Moore denied the sexual assault allegations, [8] but did not dispute that he had approached or dated teenagers over the age of 16 (the age of consent in Alabama). [10] [234] [235] Independent witnesses confirmed that Moore had a reputation for approaching teenage girls, often at a local mall, and asking them out. [7] [235] [236]

Moore has offered contradictory responses on whether he knew his accusers. He had said on November 10 that he did "recognize" the maiden names of Debbie Wesson Gibson and Gloria Thacker Deason (Both Gibson and Deason had alleged that Moore had dated them when they were 17–18) and remembered each "as a good girl". Regarding if he had dated Gibson, Moore said "I can't recall the specific dates because that's been 40 years." [237] On November 27 and November 29, Moore took a different stance, repeatedly stating "I do not know any of these women" while also saying that "pictures of young children – whose names are not mentioned and I do not know – appear conveniently on the opposition's ads . These allegations are completely false." [238] [239]

Following the allegations, Moore appeared as a guest on Sacha Baron Cohen's 2017 comedy series Who Is America? in which Baron Cohen, disguised as Israeli anti-terrorism expert Erran Morad, demonstrates new 'technology', supposed developed by the Israeli Army to identify pedophiles. Moore walked out of the interview after the device repeatedly indicated he was a pedophile. [240] On September 5, 2018, it was reported that Moore had filed a lawsuit against Baron Cohen, Showtime, and CBS Corporation seeking $95 million in damages for alleged fraud, defamation, and emotional distress. The lawsuit was filed in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia and argues that the release signed by Moore was "obtained through fraud" and was therefore "void and inoperative." [241]

Compiled by the West Virginia State Archives

Arch Alfred Moore, Jr. was born in Moundsville, Marshall County, the grandson of the city's mayor F. T. Moore. After attending Lafayette College and West Virginia University, he joined the family law firm in Moundsville. As an Army combat sergeant in World War II, Moore earned a bronze star and purple heart. He served one term in the House of Delegates before being defeated for the United States House of Representatives in 1954. He was elected to Congress two years later and remained there until becoming governor in 1969.

With the passage of the Governor's Succession Amendment in 1970, Moore became the first governor to succeed himself since 1872. The 1968 Modern Budget Amendment also gave him more budgetary powers than any previous governor. Moore presided over the establishment of the Department of Highways and the construction of modern interstate systems, begun during the administration of Governor Cecil Underwood. The Board of Regents was created to manage all state colleges and universities. Other accomplishments of his first term included designation of "black lung" as a coal mining disease and the development of public kindergartens. Moore interceded in labor activities, firing striking road maintenance workers and Charleston transit workers, and helped negotiate an end to a national coal strike.

On February 26, 1972, an earthen dam broke on Buffalo Creek, unleashing 135 million gallons of water, near the community of Man, Logan County. The resulting flood killed 125 people and 4,000 lost their homes and possessions. Investigators determined illegal surface mining practices to be the cause of the disaster. In one class action suit, Pittston Coal Company paid $13.5 million to flood survivors, who each received approximately $13,000 after legal costs. Although the state sued the coal company for $100 million, Governor Moore negotiated a $1 million settlement, while the state eventually paid the federal government $9.5 million in clean-up costs and interest.

During Moore's second term, new state medical schools were established in Lewisburg and at Marshall University in Huntington. One of his pet projects was the West Virginia Science and Culture Center on the State Capitol Complex.

In 1975, Moore and his campaign manager were indicted for extortion, the first seated governor to be officially charged with a crime. Both were found not guilty.

After leaving office, Moore established private law practices in Charleston, Moundsville, and Washington, D.C. He was defeated for the United States Senate in 1978 and for governor in 1980. In 1984, he defeated Democrat Clyde See to become the first governor elected to three four-year terms.

At the beginning of Moore's third term, West Virginia had the highest unemployment rate in the nation due to a recession in the coal industry. Moore expanded corporate tax credits to attract businesses to the state. In addition, the legislature reduced the amount coal companies were required to pay into workers' compensation.

In 1988, he was defeated in his re-election bid against Democrat Gaston Caperton. In 1990, Moore was found guilty of mail fraud. He served over two years in federal prison and paid a settlement.

Alfred Moore

Alfred Moore (May 21, 1755 – October 15, 1810) was a North Carolina judge who became a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. Moore Square, a park located in the Moore Square Historic District in Raleigh, North Carolina was named in his honor. Moore County, established in 1784, also in the state of North Carolina, is named in his honor. Moore was buried at the St. Philip’s Church near Wilmington.

==Family and early education==

Moore was born in New Hanover County, North Carolina. Moore’s father, Maurice, preceded him in the practice of law and served as a colonial judge in North Carolina. Alfred was sent to Boston to complete his education, but he returned to North Carolina and read law as an apprentice to his father before being admitted to the bar at the age of twenty.

In 1775 the American Revolutionary War broke out and Alfred served as a captain in the First Regiment, North Carolina Line, of which his uncle, James Moore, was colonel, and took part in the defense of Charleston, S.C. in June 1776. He resigned in 1777, but served in the militia against Cornwallis after the battle of Guilford Court House. The war was costly to the Moore family. British troops captured the Moore plantation and burned the family home, and Alfred’s father, brother, and an uncle were among those who served and died.

At the end of the war Moore was elected to the North Carolina General Assembly, which eventually elected him to serve as Attorney General a position he held from 1782 to 1791. As Attorney General in 1787 he argued the State’s case in Bayard v. Singleton [I NC (Mart) 5], which as decided (against the State) became an important early instance of the application of judicial review. Moore was an ardent Federalist favoring a strong national government and he took a leading role in securing North Carolina’s ratification of the United States Constitution after the state had initially rejected it in 1788. After North Carolina’s admission to the Union as the 12th state, Moore worked as a lawyer, was active in political affairs, and served as a judge of the superior court in 1798 and 1799. He served in the North Carolina State legislature, but lost by a single vote in his run for the United States Senate.

Moore was nominated by PresidentJohn Adams to a seat vacated by James Iredell. Moore’s service was terminated on January 26, 1804, due to resignation.

In 1799, Associate Justice James Iredell died suddenly. On December 4, 1799, President John Adams responded to the vacancy by nominating Moore, who was then confirmed by the United States Senate on December 10, 1799, receiving his commission the same day. At 4 feet 5 inches tall he is the shortest justice ever to sit on the Supreme Court and, due to poor health, Moore’s contribution to the court was abbreviated. In his five years of service he wrote only one opinion, Bas v. Tingy, upholding a conclusion that France was an enemy in the undeclared Quasi-War of 1798–1799. Moore’s scant contribution led one Court observer to place him atop a list of the worst justices in the history of the Court.

In the early 1780s, he married Suzanne Eagles. After leaving the Supreme Court in 1804, he helped found the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He died in Bladen County, North Carolina. His summer home, Moorefields, built around 1785 in Orange County, North Carolina near Hillsborough, still stands, and is listed in the National Register of Historic Places.

Alfred Moore (1755 - 1810)

Alfred Moore (May 21, 1755 – October 15, 1810) was a North Carolina judge who became a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States.

Father: Maurice Moore b: 1735 Mother: Anne Grange b: ABT 1737

Spouse: Susan Elizabeth Eagles b: ABT 1758, Married: ABT 1776

Born in New Hanover County, North Carolina, he studied law in Boston and was admitted to the bar in 1775, at the age of twenty. During the Revolutionary War, he served as a Captain in a Continental regiment. After the war, he returned to North Carolina, was elected to the North Carolina State Legislature and was appointed Attorney General of North Carolina, in 1782. In 1789, President John Adams appointed Moore to a commission to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee Indians. He resigned in 1790, to become a Judge of the North Carolina Superior Court. On December 10, 1799, President John Adams nominated Moore to the Supreme Court of the United States and he served three years until he resigned on January 26, 1804. He died at age 55 in Brunswick or Bladen County, North Carolina. He was buried at St. Philips Church Cemetery, Southport, Brunswick County, North Carolina. [1]


  1. Anne Moore
  2. Susan Eagles Moore
  3. Maurice Moore b: 23 NOV 1778
  4. Nancy Moore b: ABT 1800
  5. Alfred Moore , Jr b: 6 SEP 1782
  6. Sarah Louisa Moore b: 15 OCT 1795


Moore County, North Carolina is named in his honor.

Revolutionary Service

Service Description: 1) COL JAMES MOORE, 1ST REGT

NSDAR - Mary Waddell Jordan #48806, NSDAR - Mary Martin Green #22606, SAR - Hugh Waddell #6937

Trump keeps warning of a coup. But the only one in American history was a bloody, racist uprising.

The small clapboard house near the banks of the Cape Fear River in Wilmington, N.C., went up in flames, and a black resident alleged to have wounded a white man fled for his life.

As he pleaded that he had five small children to support, a white member of the mob that had assembled struck him on the head with a gas pipe. A leader of a vigilante patrol unit told him to run for his freedom, but he made it just 50 yards before 40 guns were turned on him, sending bullets into his shoulders and back.

Daniel Wright, a well-known politician serving on the county’s Republican executive committee, was one of at least 60 — but possibly as many as 300 — black Americans massacred in Wilmington on Nov. 10, 1898, as bands of white supremacists used racial terrorism to destabilize the Southern port city and overthrow its multiracial government.

By the end of the day, the neo-Confederates had executed the only successful coup in United States history. The exact death toll is not known. Nor did the extent of the bloodshed matter to white business leaders, clergy and professionals who applauded when the man who would become Wilmington’s mayor, Alfred Moore Waddell, said he was prepared to “choke the current of the Cape Fear with carcasses” if it meant bringing white Democrats to power.

In recent days, President Trump and his allies in Congress and conservative media have repeatedly warned that he was the target of an attempted coup. “We’re not a banana republic,” Sean Hannity, the Fox News host, said on his show Monday, in a broadside that spilled out onto the president’s Twitter page — a platform to condemn reported discussions within the Justice Department about using the 25th Amendment to remove Trump from office. Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, said his panel would probe possible plotting of a “bureaucratic coup.”

But the claims don’t sit right with Irving L. Joyner, a professor of criminal law at North Carolina Central University who has been a leader in examining the one coup on U.S. soil. The alarm issuing from the White House suggests that coups are characteristic of far-off regions of the world. In fact, one transpired at the nadir of American race relations after the Civil War.

The Wilmington insurrection of 1898 was a barefaced assertion of white supremacy in a majority-black city, erasing fragile gains made during Reconstruction. The violent uprising hardly stands alone as an instance of paramilitary slaughter in post-bellum America. But its calculated political aims, and the sweeping changes it installed, make it historically unique, as a state panel concluded in a 2006 report.

The coup demands revisiting now, Joyner said, as white-nationalist violence is again ascendant, and as minority voting rights come under new threats. Among its numerous recommendations, the commission asked that New Hanover County, which includes Wilmington, be subject to special federal supervision under the Voting Rights Act, key provisions of which were invalidated by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2013.

“The episode counsels us to be vigilant about this democratic process and what this democracy means,” said Joyner, who served as the vice chair of the panel, called the 1898 Wilmington Race Riot Commission.

But he doubts Trump has any real knowledge, or interest, in this history. The president, Joyner said in an interview with The Washington Post, “couldn’t care less” about what a forceful seizure of government power looked like.

“The Trump rendition of a coup pales in comparison to what the real coup was like, where people lost their lives at the hands of a white supremacist government, which was designed to overthrow a democratically elected political body,” Joyner said.

The report of the riot commission details how tensions that had mounted during Reconstruction exploded during the November 1898 elections. Poor whites in the Populist Party had allied with black Republicans to form what was called a Fusion Coalition, placing black residents in prominent elected positions. Three of the city’s aldermen were black. There were also black-owned businesses and a black-owned newspaper, the Daily Record. Meanwhile, paramilitary wings of the Democratic Party, such as the Red Shirts, took up the work of the Ku Klux Klan, which had been subdued by the federal government.

Democrats made white resentment the centerpiece of their statewide campaign, rallying former Confederate officers and enlisting the Raleigh News & Observer, the dominant newspaper in the state, to whip up fear. In Wilmington, businessmen charting plans to retake economic control banded together in a group called the Secret Nine, which sought to coordinate the activities of the Red Shirts with vigilante groups and white supremacy clubs known as the White Government Union. Barely distinguishable from these collectives was the Wilmington Light Infantry, a volunteer militia group technically under state control.

Waddell, who had been a U.S. congressman for most of the 1870s, emerged as a local leader, using his gifts of oratory to “inflame white voters,” as the commission report notes. In a speech at a local town hall before the election, he spoke of the “intolerable conditions under which we live,” vowing that black “domination shall henceforth be only a shameful memory to us and an everlasting warning to those who shall ever again seek to revive it.” Republican and Populist leaders, meanwhile, failed to organize and coordinate an opposing message.

The statewide election swept Democrats into power, though the local Fusion government remained in place in Wilmington despite widespread suppression of the Republican vote. The next day, however, the local footmen of the white supremacy movement met to discuss replicating the gains at the city level in Wilmington. They selected a “Committee of Twenty-Five,” led by Waddell, to enforce demands called the “White Declaration of Independence.” The committee presented the demands to a group of black politicians and business leaders and asked for a response by the following morning.

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