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Konrad Adenauer : Nazi Germany

Konrad Adenauer : Nazi Germany



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Konrad Adenauer was born in Germany in 1876. He studied at Freiburg University before becoming a lawyer in Cologne. In 1917 Adenauer became Mayor of Cologne.

Adenauer, a member of the Catholic Centre Party, was elected to the Provincial Diet and in 1920 became President of the Prussian State Council. A strong opponent of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, Adenauer was imprisoned in 1934. He was released but was arrested by the Gestapo in September 1944 and accused of being involved in the July Plot.

After the war Adenauer was briefly Mayor of Cologne but was removed by the British authorities for alleged inefficiency. In 1945 he helped establish the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and in 1949 became the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany). He held power for the next fourteen years and during that time played an important role in restoring good relations with France and the United States.

In 1950 Adenauer appointed Walter Hallstein as undersecretary of state and was leader of the German delegation at the Schuman Plan Conference. In this post he developed what became known as the Hallstein Doctrine. According to this doctrine, the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) had exclusive right to represent the entire German nation. Except for the Soviet Union, the government refused to maintain diplomatic relations with states that recognized the German Democratic Republic (East Germany).

Konrad Adenauer, who retired from office in October 1963, died in 1967.

At the end of September 1944 I was arrested again and sent to the Gestapo prison at Brauweiler, near Cologne, after a rather exciting escape from the concentration camp on the Cologne Fair Grounds where I had been taken during the aftermath of the attempt on Hitler's life of 20 July 1944. When I arrived, the commissar in charge of the prison asked me please not to take my own life as this would only cause trouble for him.

I asked him what made him think that I might take my life. He replied that as I was now nearly seventy years old and had nothing more to expect from life, it seemed reasonable to suppose that I would put an end to it. I told him not to worry: I would not cause him any trouble.

During the following weeks the Americans were approaching the Rhine from the West. All inmates of the prison, myself included of course, were led to a wall in the garden and told that we would be put against that wall and shot as soon as the Americans crossed the Erft, a small tributary of the Rhine about ten or fifteen miles from Brauweiler. No one would make much fuss about our deaths.

The winter ahead of us will be very hard. We must above all provide food, fuel, and housing. We - you and we - will do everything in our power to create conditions that are at least tolerable. It will not be possible to do this to the extent you and we would like. But - and I am now addressing myself not to this hall alone but to all the citizens of Cologne - I ask all our fellow-citizens always to remember this: the guilty, those responsible for this unspeakable suffering, this indescribable misery, are those accursed men who came to power in the fatal year 1933. It was they who dishonoured the German name throughout the world and covered it with shame, who destroyed our Reich, who, when their own well deserved perdition was certain, systematically and deliberately plunged our misguided and paralysed people into the deepest misery. They did this not, as is often assumed, so that the German people should perish with them - though that idea may also have influenced them in their decisions and actions; they intended something much more devilish: they wanted and they still want the thought of revenge and retribution to re-animate the German people against its wartime opponents.

Russia holds the Eastern half of Germany, Poland, the Balkans, apparently Hungary, and a part of Austria. Russia is withdrawing more and more from cooperation with the other great powers and directs affairs in the countries dominated by her entirely as she sees fit. The countries ruled by her are already governed by economic and political principles that are totally different from those accepted in the rest of Europe. Thus the division of Europe into Eastern Europe, the Russian territory, and Western Europe is a fact.

Britain and France are the leading great powers in Western Europe. The part of Germany not occupied by Russia is an integral part of Western Europe. If it remains crippled the consequences for the whole of Western Europe, and that includes Britain and France, will be terrible. It is in the real interests not only of that part of Germany but also of Britain and France, to unite Europe under their leadership, and politically and economically to pacify and restore to health the part of Germany not occupied by Russia. The separation of the Rhineland and Westphalia from Germany does not serve this purpose; it would have the opposite effect. It would bring about a political orientation towards the East of the part of Germany not occupied by the Russians.

In the long run the French and Belgian demand for security can only be met by the economic integration of Western Germany, France, Belgium, Luxembourg and Holland. If Britain, too, were to decide to participate in this economic integration, we would be much closer to the ultimate goal of a Union of the States of Western Europe.

We live in disturbed times. New problems arise every day, developments never stand still. Despite the number and variety of problems, every responsible person must realize that for the present and coming generation there is now only one main problem, and it is this: the world has seen the formation of two power-groups. On one side there is the group of powers led by the United States of America and united in the Atlantic Pact. This group defends the values of Christian and Western civilization, freedom, and true democracy. On the other side there is Soviet Russia with her satellites.

The line dividing these two groups of powers runs right down the centre of Germany. Twenty million Germans live under Soviet rule, about 43 million in the orbit of the Atlantic bloc.

These 43 million Germans in the area of the Atlantic bloc possess the most important mineral deposits and the greatest European industrial potential. But this area, the three Western zones of Germany, is in a state of disorder that is in the long run untenable. Even today a very considerable part of these 43 million live in such abject housing conditions, such a state of legal bondage as may have been imaginable in the Balkans a hundred years ago but would hardly have been thought possible in central Europe for centuries.

It is impossible to understand the present condition of Germany without a brief survey of what happened after 1945. The unconditional surrender of the German armed forces in May 1945 was interpreted by the Allies to mean a complete transfer of governmental authority into their hands. This interpretation was wrong from the point of view of international law. By it the Allies in practice assumed a task which it was impossible for them to fulfil. I consider it to have been a grave mistake. They would have been unable to solve this task with the best will in the world. There was bound to be failure and this failure badly affected the prestige of the Allies in Germany. It would have been wiser if the Allies had, after a short intermediate state due to the confusion left by the war, let the Germans order their affairs and had confined themselves to supervision. Their attempt to govern this large disorganized country from outside, often guided by extraneous political and economic criteria of their own, was bound to fail. It brought about a rapid economic, physical, and psychological disintegration of the Germans which might have been avoided. It also seems that intentions such as had once been manifested in the Morgenthau Plan played their part. This continued until the Marshall Plan brought the turning point. The Marshall Plan will remain for all time a glorious page in the history of the United States of America. But the change was very slow and the economic, physical, moral, and political decline of Germany which had begun with the unconditional surrender took great efforts to reverse.

A union between France and Germany would give new life and vigour to a Europe that is seriously ill. It would have an immense psychological and material influence and would liberate powers that are sure to save Europe. I believe this is the only possible way of achieving the unity of Europe. It would cause the rivalry between the two countries to disappear.

A union such as I am suggesting is already coming into effect in the Benelux countries. The Scandinavian countries, as well as France and Italy, are contemplating similar measures. I therefore believe that these countries will welcome the union between France and Germany that I am proposing. They will surely be prepared to join such a union. If Great Britain really sees herself as a European power, she could occupy the place inside the framework of the United Nations of Europe that corresponds to her position and strength.

The union I am proposing would also provide an incentive to the Marshall Plan. France and Germany would be the first countries to reach the goals envisaged by the fathers of the Marshall Plan and would smooth a path for the other participants. In this way the American people would see some real returns for the billions of dollars they have given to Europe, because there would be a genuine and significant contribution from within to the reconstruction and unification of Europe.

The Council of Europe would likewise benefit from a union between France and Germany. The Council's effectiveness has been limited by the absence of a real understanding between France and Germany. It seems to me that no sensible person can fail to recognize that the union here proposed will give new strength and new life to the idea of European unification.

I am firmly convinced that the union of the two nations will considerably raise the standard of living of both parts. The bigger an economic area is, the better it can be developed. The United States of America proves that. As I see it, this union could save the civilization of the West from decline. The cross-fertilization between France and Germany would undoubtedly give an extraordinary impetus to the cultural achievements of the two peoples. It would be another respect in which a Franco-German union would prove a signpost of our epoch.

I am a German, but I am also, and always have been, a European and have always felt like a European. I have therefore long advocated an understanding with France; I did so, moreover, in the 1920s, during the severest crises, and also in the face of the Reich Government. I always urged a reasonable understanding that would do justice to the interests of both countries. After the First World War I advocated a plan for an organic integration of the French, Belgian, and German economies for the safeguarding of a durable peace. In my view parallel, unified economic interests are and always will be the healthiest and most lasting foundation for good political relations between peoples. Despite the misery prevailing in Europe I saw great possibilities for the future of Western Europe. The unification of Europe seemed far more feasible now than in the 1920s. The idea of international cooperation between peoples must succeed.

I thought a great deal about the problem of a United States of Europe with Germany as a part. In a future United States of Europe I saw the greatest and most lasting security for Germany's western neighbours. The French fear of German resurgence which caused France to press for a policy of dismemberment of Germany seemed to be altogether exaggerated. After 1945 Germany lay prostrate - militarily, economically and politically - and in my opinion this condition was a sufficient guarantee that Germany could not again threaten France. In the future United States of Europe I saw great hope for Europe and thus for Germany. We had to try to remind France, Holland, Belgium, and the other European countries that they were - as we were - situated in Western Europe, that they are and will forever remain our neighbours, that any violence they do to us must in the end lead to trouble, and that no lasting peace can be established in Europe if it is founded on force alone. General de Gaulle had recognized this in his speech at Saarbriicken in August 1945: "Frenchmen and Germans must let bygones be bygones, must work together, and must remember that they are Europeans." These words gave me great hope for Germany and for the realization of my hopes for a united Europe.

It is my opinion and belief that the parliaments of the six European countries which will have to deal with this European Coal and Steel Community realise exactly what it is all about and that in particular they realise that the political goal, the political meaning of the European Coal and Steel Community, is infinitely larger than its economic purpose.

Something further has resulted during the negotiations, I believe that for the first time in history, certainly in the history of the last centuries, countries want to renounce part of their sovereignty, voluntarily and without compulsion, in order to transfer the sovereignty to a supranational structure.

In my opinion the European nation states had a past but no future. This applied in the political and economic as well as in the social sphere. No single European country could guarantee a secure future to its people by its own strength. I regarded the Schuman Plan and the European Defence Community as preliminary steps to a political unification of Europe. In the EDO Treaty there was a specific provision for a controlling body, the so-called Parliamentary Assembly - incidentally the same assembly that exercised the parliamentary controlling function in the Coal and Steel Community - to examine the questions arising from the parallelism of diverse existing or future organisations for European cooperation, with a view to securing their coordination in the framework of a federal or confederate structure.

The military aspect was only one dimension of a nascent Europe, or, more rightly at first, Western Europe. If a perfect partnership was to be achieved within Western Europe, one could not stop with defence.

After twelve years of National Socialism there simply were no perfect solutions for Germany and certainly none for a divided Germany. There was very often only the policy of the lesser evil.

We were a small and very exposed country. By our own strength we could achieve nothing. We must not be a no-man's-land between East and West for then we would have friends nowhere and a dangerous neighbour in the East. Any refusal by the Federal Republic to make common cause with Europe would have been German isolationism, a dangerous escape into inactivity. There was a cherished political illusion in the Federal Republic in those years: many people believed that America was in any case tied to Europe or even to the Elbe. American patience, however, had its limits. My motto was 'Help yourself and the United States will help you'. .

There were those in Germany who thought that for us the choice was either a policy for Europe or a policy for German unity. I considered this 'either/or' a fatal error. Nobody could explain how German unity in freedom was to be achieved without a strong and united Europe. When I say 'in freedom' I mean freedom before, during and above all after all- German elections. No policy is made with wishes alone and even less from weakness. Only when the West was strong might there be a genuine point of departure for peace negotiations to free not only the Soviet zone but all of enslaved Europe east of the iron curtain, and free it peacefully. To take the road that led into the European Community appeared to me the best service we could render the Germans in the Soviet zone.


Hans Globke

Hans Josef Maria Globke (10 September 1898 – 13 February 1973) was a German lawyer, high-ranking civil servant and politician who was Under-Secretary of State and Chief of Staff of the German Chancellery in West Germany from 28 October 1953 to 15 October 1963. During World War II, Globke, a Ministerialdirigent in the Office for Jewish Affairs in the Ministry of the Interior, wrote a legal annotation on the antisemitic Nuremberg Race Laws that did not express any objection to the discrimination against Jews, and placed the Nazi Party on a firmer legal ground, setting the path to the Holocaust. [1] Globke later had a controversial career as Secretary of State and Chief of Staff of the West German Chancellery. In this role, he was responsible for running the Chancellery, recommending the people who were appointed to roles in the government, coordinating the government's work, and for the establishment and oversight of the West German intelligence service and for all matters of national security. [2]

Globke became a powerful éminence grise of the West German government, and was widely regarded as one of most influential public officials in the government of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. Globke had a major role in shaping the course and structure of the state and West Germany's alignment with the United States. He was also instrumental in West Germany's anti-communist policies at the domestic and international level and in the western intelligence community, and was the German government's main liaison with NATO and other western intelligence services, especially the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). During his lifetime, his role in the Nazi state was only partially known.


Teaching Nazi Past to German Youth

In the tranquillity of the Konrad Adenauer High School, no one has to fret about the kinds of things that worry Americans on campus, like guns or drugs, because such things do not happen here, said Heinz Wilms, a history teacher.

Since January, though, he has been nudging his 10th-grade class of 16-year-olds to confront something much more momentous than school-yard discipline: the historical progression from Hitler's rise to power in 1933 to the Holocaust.

It is a course, Chapter 6 in a standard German history text, that challenges Germany's young to come to terms with the burden of a collective past far more cruel and destructive than teen-agers anywhere else in the world are obliged to contemplate.

And it is part of the attempt by a postwar generation to explain why the past must not repeat itself to those who will one day run Europe's economic and political powerhouse. The effort, some educators argue, has visibly faltered in the wave of attacks on foreigners and the rise of neo-Nazi groups since the Berlin Wall fell in 1989.

Yet, in interviews with students, both in Bonn and in a comparable high school in what was once East Berlin, a clear impression emerged that while many young Germans sense no personal guilt for a past generation's crimes, they feel a responsibility to thwart any revival of their history's racism, anti-Semitism, militarism and nationalism.

At the same time, though, they share a nagging worry that their own history hampers what they say should be a justifiable sense of pride in their own nation's achievements.

"The Americans can put their flag out in their own backyard, and no one says anything, but if we did that weɽ be accused of being Nazis," said Christian Kreutz, a 16-year-old student at Konrad Adenauer.

Stefan Bohm, in the former East Berlin, commented: "You can't say: 'I'm proud to be a German.' Beethoven was a German, too, but everything now is seen through the Second World War."

Some seemed uneasy with or skeptical at the Government's line that the end of the war in Europe, 50 years ago in May, offered most Germans a liberation from Hitler's tyranny because, some students say, most Germans took part in what happened, one way or another.

In the effort to escape the Nazis' centralization of power, the authorities of the various federal states took responsibility for postwar education, so there is no single standardized curriculum for teaching modern German history. But in 1991, the federal Government's educational-monitoring agency urged that the Nazis be subject to an "intensive and thorough treatment" in schools and that "the memory of the Holocaust is kept alive."

In West Germany during the first postwar decades, Mr. Wilms said, history books were written by Nazi-era teachers, and the urge to repress the past was widespread.

The new text seems to offer a fuller picture. And the chapter on the Nazi era and the Holocaust, taught to 16-year-olds, enjoins them to ask: "Who knew what? Who participated and who kept their distance and in what ways were people's dealings and convictions affected by the National Socialist system of dominance?"

The answers seem to offer a broad indictment: "Membership of the Nazi Party promised influence, professional security, a career." While those who said later that they had joined simply to protect themselves and their families, the school book tells young Germans, the reality was that by joining the party, Germans "strengthened the party and the dominance of the Nazis."

No effort is made to discount the Holocaust or the role played in it by individual Germans, the Nazi regime or German industry. Part of the chapter chronicles the chemical giant I. G. Farben's establishment of a branch called I. G. Auschwitz, near the death camp in German-occupied Poland -- a factory making artificial rubber that used camp inmates as laborers and sent them to the gas chambers when they weakened.

"Every student in Germany must tackle this theme," Mr. Wilms said. "No one can say they didn't know."

They are taught that the Nazis came to power on the wings of economic collapse and humiliation at Germany's defeat in the First World War. They are taught about Hitler's race laws. They are taught that their forebears killed six million Jews. But they also learn that this was history, with a European and a German context, not personal guilt.

"We cannot do anything about it -- it was our grandparents that did it," said Barbara Schuler, a 16-year-old student at Konrad Adenauer High School, in suburb of Bad Godesberg. "But we should not forget it."

For most Germans, education about the war begins at home, in sometimes painful encounters. "If you ask your grandparents if they supported the regime, you don't get an answer," said Matthias Fink, a scholar at the same school.

Not surprisingly, a group of 17-year-olds in the Hans und Hilde Coppi Gymnasium, named for anti-Nazi resistance fighters, in the less affluent Karlshorst district of the former East Berlin had different experiences to recount.

In the depiction of the former Communist education system, said Daniel Hadrisch, a 17-year-old, the East Germans, "were all anti-Fascists" while the Nazi mantle "was given to the West Germans."

Their teacher, Roswitha Quiram, was more forthright. "I don't have a bad conscience," she said. "I don't see myself as responsible. But I would be responsible if it happened again."

Mr. Wilms, the teacher in Bonn, said that "each year, I take a group of students to Auschwitz." On one occasion, he said, his group of young Germans was insulted by a group of young Israelis. "My group was very upset," he recounted. "They said, 'What's that got to do with us? We can't help it.' "


Holocaust Restitution: German Reparations

On Sept. 20, 1945, three months after the end of World War II, Chaim Weizmann, on behalf of the Jewish Agency, submitted to the governments of the US, USSR, UK, and France, a memorandum demanding reparations, restitution, and indemnification due to the Jewish people from Germany for its involvement in the Holocaust. He appealed to the Allied Powers to include this claim in their own negotiations for reparations with Germany, in view of the "mass murder, the human suffering, the annihilation of spiritual, intellectual, and creative forces, which are without parallel in the history of mankind."

Due to the deadlock, and later interruption of the Allies' negotiations for reparations, no further development in Weizmann's request took place until March 12, 1951, when Israel's foreign minister Moshe Sharett submitted a note to the four Allied governments which claimed global recompense to the State of Israel of $1.5 billion from the German Federal Republic (West Germany). Sharett's claim was based on the financial cost absorbed by Israel for the rehabilitation of those Jews who escaped or survived the Nazi regime and came to the newly created Jewish state. The financial expense incurred by Israel in the absorption of 500,000 Nazi victims could be covered at $3,000 per capita.

As a result of unofficial preliminary contacts, West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer declared on September 27, 1951, that his government was ready to compensate Israel for material damage and losses and to negotiate with Israel and with representatives of Diaspora Jewry for other reparations. The following month, the Jewish community established the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany (Claims Conference) in New York, presided over by Nahum Goldmann, to help with individual claims.

In Israel, the Knesset fiercely debated whether to accept the reparations from Germany over a three day period in early January 1952. Menachem Begin and the Herut Party were among the most vocal members of the opposition, who considered the reparations offer as blood money. By the end of the debate, a small majority of 61-50 succeeeded in passing the resolution to enter into direct negotiations with West Germany over specific reparations amounts. Outside the Knesset, thousands of Israeli's protested and rioted the decision, at times even pelting the plenum building with stones, leading the police to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

Following Israel's approval of the resolution, a West German delegation headed by Professor Franz Boehm met with the Israeli delegation led by Giora Josephthal and Felix Eliezer Shinnar at The Hague in March 1952. The delegation of the Claims Conference, headed by Moses Leavitt, was put in charge of negotiations on individual claims for indemnification. At the negotiations, Israel reduced her claim of $1.5 billion against the whole of Germany to $1 billion against West Germany alone while reserving the right to claim the balance from East Germany - which neither attended the negotiations nor ever provided compensation.

On September 10, 1952, after six months of negotiations, an agreement on reparations between Israel and West Germany was signed in Luxembourg by Sharett and Adenauer. The agreement was ratified and came into effect on March 21, 1953, after a delay caused by the Arab states' efforts to prevent ratification.

Under the agreement, West Germany undertook to pay a total of $845 million: $100 million earmarked for allocation by the Claims Conference and the remainder to Israel. Direct compensation would be paid in annual installments over a period of 14 years (between April 1, 1953, and March 31, 1966). The money to Israel was split - 30 percent was to pay for Israel's crude oil purchases in the United Kingdom and with the balance of 70 percent Israel was to buy ferrous and nonferrous metals, steel, chemical, industrial, and agricultural products from Germany.

The agreement was carried out by West Germany government both in letter and in spirit and the goods bought and imported under the agreement represented between 12 and 14 percent of Israel's annual imports over the decade, thus making an important contribution to Israel's growing economy.

In 1988, the German government allocated another $125 million for reparations, enabling remaining Holocaust survivors to receive monthly payments of $290 for the rest of their lives. In February 1990, before its unification with West Germany, East Germany admitted for the first time that it was also responsible for war crimes committed by the German people during World War II and agreed to pay reparations.

In 1999, in response to the filing of numerous class action lawsuits in American courts, the German government and German industry agreed to compensate Jews and non-Jews specifically for slave and forced labor they performed for German industry during the war. Among the German industries that came under the lawsuits were Deutsche Bank AG, Siemens, BMW, Volkswagen, and Opel. In return for the dismissal of all such lawsuits and the guaranteeing German industry "legal peace" from any such further litigation, the German government created a foundation - "Remembrance, Responsibility and the Future" - with assets of approximately $5 billion. Slave and forced laborers still alive at the time of the settlement could apply to receive a lump sum payment of between $2,500 and $7,500 from the foundation in all, over 140,000 Jewish survivors from more than 25 countries received payments. Final payments from the Foundation were to be made by September 2006.

The German government and the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany announced an increase in funding for social welfare services for Holocaust survivors by $88 million on July 10, 2018. This funding increase will allow survivors to recieve more frequent and better quality home care, food support, transportation and medical services. This allocation makes Germany's 2019 total pledge to the Claims Conference $564 million.

Sources: American Jewish Historical Society, American Jewish Desk Reference, (The Philip Leff Group, Inc., 1999), p. 30.
Encyclopaedia Judaica. © 2008 The Gale Group. All Rights Reserved.
Germany Increases Funding for Holocaust Survivors by $88 Million, Haaretz, (July 10, 2018).

Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Documents Relating to the Agreement between the Government of Israel and the Federal Republic of Germany, Signed on 10 September 1952 at Luxembourg (1953) N. Robinson, Ten Years Indemnification (1964) F.E. Shinnar, Be-Ol Koraḥu-Regashot bi-Sheliḥut ha-Medinah: Yaḥasei Yisrael-Germanyah 1951 &ndash 1966 (1967) Bank of Israel, Ha-Shillumim ve-Hashpa'atam al ha-Meshek ha-Yisre'eli (1965) The Autobiography of Nahum Goldmann (1969), 249&ndash82 I. Deutschkron, Bonn and Jerusalem (1970).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Adenauer, Konrad. Memoirs. Translated by Beate Ruhm von Oppen. Chicago, 1966.

Secondary Sources

Granieri, Ronald J. The Ambivalent Alliance: Konrad Adenauer, the CDU/CSU, and the West, 1949–1966. New York, 2003.

Krekel, Michael. Konrad Adenauer: Profiles of the Man and the Politician. Bad Honnef, Germany, 1999.

Schwarz, Hans-Peter. Konrad Adenauer: A German Politician and Statesman in a Period of War, Revolution, and Reconstruction. Translated by Louise Wilmot. Providence, R.I., 1995.

Williams, Charles. Adenauer: The Father of the New Germany. London, 2000.


Federal Republic of Germany is established

The Federal Republic of Germany (popularly known as West Germany) is formally established as a separate and independent nation. This action marked the effective end to any discussion of reuniting East and West Germany.

In the period after World War II, Germany was divided into four occupation zones, with the British, French, Americans, and Soviets each controlling one zone. The city of Berlin was also divided in a like fashion. This arrangement was supposed to be temporary, but as Cold War animosities began to harden, it became increasingly evident that the division between the communist and non-communist controlled sections of Germany and Berlin would become permanent. In May 1946, the United States halted reparation payments from West Germany to the Soviet Union. In December, the United States and Great Britain combined their occupation zones into what came to be known as Bizonia. France agreed to become part of this arrangement, and in May 1949, the three zones became one.

On May 23, the West German Parliamentary Council met and formally declared the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany. Although Konrad Adenauer, the president of the council and future president of West Germany, proudly proclaimed, “Today a new Germany arises,” the occasion was not a festive one. Many of the German representatives at the meeting were subdued, for they had harbored the faint hope that Germany might be reunified. Two communist members of the council refused to sign the proclamation establishing the new state.


History

1952 A group of CDU politicians including, among others, the Chairman of the Protestant Working Group of the CDU, Hermann Ehlers, who died in 1954, his later successor, Robert Tillmanns, and the Chairman of the CDU/CSU parliamentary party, Heinrich Krone, considers the establishment of a systematic civic-education programme inspired by Christian Democratic values.

1953-1955 Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and the CDU Federal Executive debate the creation of a training and education centre to promote young politicians.

December 20, 1955 The Society for Christian Democratic Education Work is established in Bonn as the precursor of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung.

December 22, 1955 Immediately after its foundation, the organisation acquires Eichholz Manor near Wesseling from August Karl von Joest.

1956 Eichholz Manor is converted into an education institute. Seminars begin in December.

April 12, 1957 Eichholz Manor is ceremonially opened by Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. The inaugural address is given by the Minister President of Schleswig-Holstein, Kai-Uwe von Hassel. Bruno Heck is elected first Chairman of the Society for Christian Democratic Education Work, with Konrad Kraske and Heinrich Krone being elected Deputy Chairman and Secretary, respectively.

April 26, 1958 The Society for Christian Democratic Education Work is converted into the Eichholz Political Academy, with Arnold Bergstraesser and Konrad Kraske its first and second chairmen.

June 1, 1958 Rüdiger Altmann, a journalist and social scientist, assumes the two offices of Chief Executive and Director of the Political Academy of Eichholz Manor.

April 1, 1960 Rüdiger Altmann having left the Academy, Peter Molt becomes its Director. Educational activities are carried out in close cooperation with the CDU's federal headquarters while preserving a maximum of independence for the Academy. Education events dealing with the unification of Europe are stepped up.

1961 A political seminar is set up at Eichholz Manor. Extending over seven weeks and comprising an entry-level, a main, and a finishing course, it forms the basis of an education scheme that has survived to this day in modified form.

January 1962 Having established contacts with Christian Democratic politicians in Venezuela, the Belgian trade-union leader, Auguste Vanistendael, proposes establishing a collaborative relationship with the Eichholz Political Academy, paving the way for political education to emerge as the foundation of the Institute for International Solidarity soon afterwards.

July 1, 1962 Establishment of the Institute for International Solidarity (IIS) of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung.

Summer 1962 The first of a series of international college seminars is held at Eichholz Manor. Attended by young scientists, students, and international experts, the series will be continued until 1968.

October 4, 1963 Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer ceremonially opens the extension of the Eichholz Political Academy, with buildings containing modern conference rooms and accommodation for guests.

October 13, 1964 The organisation supporting the Eichholz Political Academy changes its name to Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung for Political Education and Student Promotion. Alfred Müller-Armack and Franz Thedieck are elected to the Board as Joint Chairmen, while Konrad Kraske and Alphons Horten are elected Executive Chairman and Treasurer, respectively.

December 1964 Through its Institute for International Solidarity, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung is represented in eight countries located in South and Central America as well as in Africa: Venezuela, Chile, Brazil, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Tanzania, and Cameroon. In the years to come, partnerships would be established with Christian Democratic parties, education institutions, trade unions, and cooperatives in many countries.

January 15, 1965 Establishment of the student promotion scheme of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, to be renamed Scholarship Institute in 1971.

February 1, 1966 Having held the office of Director of Studies at Eichholz Manor since 1961, Bernhard Gebauer succeeds Peter Molt as Director of the Academy (until 1981), continuing to follow the concept of functional political education.

July 19, 1966 The Federal Constitutional Court forbids the use of public funds to finance education in party politics, causing the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung to enhance its independence.

October 1, 1966 Adolf Herkenrath assumes the post of Director of the Institute for International Solidarity.

October 1, 1967 Establishment of the Scientific Institute (WIKAS), to be renamed Social Science Research Institute (SFK) in 1970, to conduct basic research in political education. Educational activities at Eichholz Manor are enhanced by the Institute for Local Policy Education and Research (IKBF), to be renamed Institute for Local Government Studies (IFK) in 1971.

June 27, 1968 Bruno Heck is elected Chairman of the Stiftung's Executive Board, Manfred Wörner is elected Executive Chairman, and Alphons Horten, Treasurer. Further Executive Board members include Federal Minister Kai-Uwe von Hassel, Helmut Kohl, Konrad Kraske, and Lord Mayor Günter Rinsche.

1970 Second extension of the education centre at Eichholz Manor: Auditoriums, conference rooms, offices, and guest rooms are added, enhancing its capacity by thirty percent.

1971 Creation of the Institute for Local Government Studies to continue the existing, already systematically structured local-government education programme at Eichholz Manor (Director: Franz Schuster).

June 14, 1972 Elections to the Executive Board. Chairman, Bruno Heck Executive Chairman, Manfred Wörner Treasurer, Walther Leisler Kiep. Further Board members: Kai-Uwe von Hassel, Speaker of the Federal Diet Minister President Helmut Kohl Secretary General Konrad Kraske Lord Mayor Günter Rinsche.

1973 Günter Rinsche is appointed Chairman of the Planning Committee charged with developing new research and coordination tools for the further development of the Foundation in consultation with competent personages. In the years to come, the Committee was to present forward-looking concepts for the Stiftung's international education activities.

1974 Philipp Ludwig is appointed Executive Chairman (until 1977).

February 1, 1974 Lothar Kraft is appointed Director of the Institute for International Solidarity, with Paul B. Wink as his deputy.

July 1, 1975 Establishment of the Education Institute (BWK) of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, with regional branches to be created in the years to come. Günther Rüther is appointed Director of the Institute.

January 1, 1976 Establishment of the Archive for Christian Democratic Policy (ACDP) of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung under the direction of Klaus Gotto. Günter Buchstab is appointed Deputy Director.

June 21, 1976 The Stiftung becomes a registered society.

December 1976 The Stiftung moves to its new headquarters at Sankt Augustin which houses all its institutes under one roof.

1977 The Stiftung acquires Villa La Collina at Cadenabbia on Lake Como and creates an international meeting centre on the spot where Konrad Adenauer used to spend his holidays from 1959 onwards. Branch offices are established in Rome and Washington.

1978 Karl-Heinz Bilke becomes the Stiftung's Chief Executive Officer (until 1983).

January 1, 1978 Establishment of the Office for International Cooperation (BIZ) directed by Josef Thesing.

February 1, 1978 Paul B. Wink is appointed Administrative Director of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (until 1998). The Brussels office is opened. The scheme for promoting young journalists is created as a special branch of the scholarship agency to counteract the ideological infiltration of the media by promoting the qualification of young journalists. From 2002: Journalist Academy.

1980 Branch offices open in Paris and London. First contest for the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung's prize for local journalism. Since 1980, the prize has been awarded annually to qualified journalists writing for the local daily press.

September 1, 1981 Establishment of the 'Political Academy' under the direction of Klaus Weigelt. Educational activities are being continued at the same time by the Institute for Political Education (IPP). Remaining the hub of education, Eichholz Manor conducts educational programmes nationwide and synchronises cooperation with the Stiftung's liaison office in Berlin.

June 1, 1982 The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung opens its Jerusalem office.

1984 The Office for International Cooperation merges with the Institute for International Solidarity to form the Institute for International Cooperation. Lothar Kraft is made Chief Executive Officer of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Succeeding him as Director of the Institute for International Cooperation, Josef Thesing continues in office until July 2000.

September 20, 1984 The General Assembly votes to change the statutes to enlarge the Executive Board, which now includes Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, Paul Mikat, Hans-Peter Schwarz, and Michael Stürmer.

July 14, 1986 Dismissing an action by the Green parliamentary party to stop the allocation of public funds to support the Stiftung' political-education activities, the Federal Constitutional Court endorses the allocation of unspecific subsidies to the foundations which, though close to the political parties, remain independent in legal, personal, and organisational terms.

January 12, 1989 With Bruno Heck deciding not to stand for election again, Bernhard Vogel is made Chairman of the Executive Board of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Mr Heck had been serving in this function without interruption since 1968. Manfred Wörner is succeeded as Deputy Chairman by Minister Anton Pfeifer, while Wolfgang Jahn is elected Treasurer. Further members of the incoming board include Kai-Uwe von Hassel, Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Konrad Kraske, Paul Mikat, Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, Günter Rinsche, Hans-Peter Schwarz, and Manfred Wörner.

November 10, 1989 On the day after the fall of the wall, the Stiftung opens its first branch office in Central and Eastern Europe in the Palace of Warsaw.

February 2, 1990 A working group convened by the Chairman, Bernhard Vogel, takes steps to promote political education in the territory of the GDR in close cooperation with the Stiftung's education institutes. In the course of the year, education centres are established at Leipzig, Rostock, Erfurt, and Berlin.

May 7, 1990 The Executive Board adopts a master plan for political education in the GDR, which pays particular attention to training and consultation in the fields of local policy, university and school education, and talent promotion. The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung opens branch offices in Budapest and Moscow, followed by St. Petersburg in 1995.

1991 The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung acquires Wendgräben Manor in Saxony-Anhalt. Education activities begin in 1993. Converted in 1997, the house reopens as an education centre.

1992 The Stiftung's branch office in Brussels is converted into a European office dedicated to promoting the unification of Europe. Chairman Bernhard Vogel launches the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung's literature prize, which is awarded once a year in Weimar. The first author to win the prize is Sarah Kirsch in 1993. The Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung undergoes a structural reform involving a reorganisation of its institutes into departments and branches. Moving its headquarters from Eichholz Manor to Sankt Augustin, the Political Academy becomes part of the Research and Consultation branch until 2000. In February, the management of the Stiftung's business is taken over pro tempore by Dorothee Wilms, Bernhard Vogel having been elected Minister President of Thuringia.

January 20, 1993 Although confirmed unanimously by the General Assembly as Chairman of the Stiftung, Bernhard Vogel decides to allow his appointment to rest so as to fulfil his duties as Chairman of the CDU in the Free State of Thuringia. Gerd Langguth is appointed Acting Chairman. The Foundation opens branch offices in Vietnam, Cambodia, Mongolia, the Baltic States, and Bratislava/Slovakia.

1994 Further branch offices open in Tashkent/Uzbekistan, Sofia/Bulgaria, and Kiev/Ukraine.

March 22, 1995 Günter Rinsche succeeds Bernhard Vogel as Chairman of the Stiftung, with Anton Pfeifer and Gerhard Stoltenberg as Deputy Chairmen. Wolfgang Peiner is elected Treasurer. Succeeding Günter Rinsche, the retired under-secretary Volkmar Köhler assumes the chair of the Planning Committee. The Stiftung begins to cooperate with the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, focussing particularly on issues relating to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

1996 The Stiftung opens its office in Beijing/Peoples' Republic of China. Another office is opened in Ramallah to promote constitutional structures and local government in the territory of the Palestinian Authority.

May 6, 1997 After the resignation of Gerd Langguth, Ottfried Hennig is appointed Acting Chairman, holding the newly-created office of Secretary General of the Stiftung.

June 23, 1998 Under the motto 'Giving Democracy a Future', the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung holds a civil-rights congress at the Leipzig Gewandhaus that is attended by Federal President Roman Herzog and about 2,000 delegates.

July 25, 1998 Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl opens the house of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in the Tiergarten district of Berlin, which is designed as a forum for the capital. The Political Academy moves from Sankt Augustin to Berlin.

August 1, 1999 After Ottfried Hennig's resignation from the office of Secretary General for medical reasons, Wilhelm Staudacher assumes that function. Ottfried Hennig dies on Oct

November 4, 1999 The Circle of Friends of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung is established to promote the Foundation's activities and intensify the interest in Christian Democratic education in Germany.

February 8, 2000 To advise and support the Stiftung, the Executive Board convenes a Board of Trustees under the presidency of the former Federal President, Roman Herzog. The Board is composed of 22 personages from politics, science, and the economy. Within the framework of a structural reshuffle, the Domestic Policy and Social Market Economy branch is established.

September 27/28, 2000 A meeting entitled 'Europe and the Unity of Germany' is held at the Berlin 'Palace of Tears' to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the reunification. Following the resignation of Lothar Kraft, Josef Thesing is made Deputy Secretary General. The Stiftung's international activities are now conducted by Peter R. Weilemann and Winfried Jung.

March 30, 2001 Succeeding Günter Rinsche, Bernhard Vogel is elected Chairman once again by the General Assembly. Anton Pfeifer, Norbert Lammert, and Beate Neuss are elected Deputy Chairmen. Wilhelm Staudacher remains in office as Secretary General. Succeeding Wolfgang Peiner, the post of Treasurer is taken over by Franz Schoser. The Jerusalem Foundation opens the Konrad Adenauer Conference Centre in Jerusalem.

December 2002 Having reached the statutory age limit, Josef Thesing resigns as Deputy Secretary General of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. He is succeeded by Johannes von Thadden.

March 2003 Once again, Bernhard Vogel is unanimously confirmed by the General Assembly as Chairman of the Stiftung. Succeeding the Domestic Policy and Social Market Economy branch, the Politics and Consultation branch is set up in Berlin.

February 2004 The Politics and Consultation and the International Cooperation branches complete their move from Sankt Augustin to Berlin.

May 10, 2004 Succeeding Johannes von Thadden, who transferred to the CDU as its Federal Chief Executive on January 1, 2004, Christoph Kannengießer assumes the office of Deputy Secretary General.

March 18, 2005 Once again, the General Assembly confirms Bernhard Vogel for yet another term of office as Chairman of the Stiftung. The three Deputy Chairmen and the Secretary General are confirmed in office as well. On the same day, the foundation stone is laid for the Stiftung's administrative building in Berlin.

November 17, 2008 The new Secretary General Michael Thielen begins his work. Thielen, who was nominated by the Chairman of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, Prof. Dr. Bernhard Vogel, was elected unanimously by the General Assembly in June. Thielen is successor to former Secretary of State Wilhelm Staudacher.

December 4, 2009 The General Assembly of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung votes former President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering, as the Stiftung’s new Chairman. Pöttering starts in his function at January 1st 2010.

June 11, 2010 The Konrad Adenauer foundation is the first political foundation in Germany to be awarded with the “berufundfamilie” (‘work and family’) certificate for its measures to improve the compatibility of family and work.

June 14, 2013 Re-election of Dr. Hans-Gert Pöttering as Chairman of the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.

from 'Die Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung', a book by Günter Beaugrand, with additional updates


Konrad Adenauer

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Law is our Passion

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Death [ edit | edit source ]

Adenauer delivering a speech at the March 1966 CDU party rally, one year before his death

Funeral service for Adenauer in Cologne Cathedral

Adenauer died on 19 April 1967 in his family home at Rhöndorf. According to his daughter, his last words were "Da jitt et nix zo kriesche!" (Cologne dialect for "There's nothin' to weep about!")

Konrad Adenauer's state funeral in Cologne Cathedral was attended by a large number of world leaders, among them United States President Lyndon B. Johnson. After the Requiem Mass and service, his remains were taken upstream to Rhöndorf on the Rhine aboard Kondor, with two more Jaguar class fast attack craft of the German Navy, Seeadler and Sperber as escorts, "past the thousands who stood in silence on both banks of the river". 𖑊] He is interred at the Waldfriedhof ("Forest Cemetery") at Rhöndorf.


Comments

Problematic?

Permalink tom hall replied on Tue, 10/27/2020 - 15:55

Appointing regional "anti-Semitism commissioners" throughout Germany- that's "problematic". In fact, when considered in light of Germany's history of mass murder of Europe's Jews, any form of state regulation surrounding Jewish identity and legal protections is downright chilling. Berlin has become a place where Palestinians and Israeli Jews live in close proximity and with a sense of social ease that would be impossible in the land of their birth. Allowing Zionist surrogates to impose a form of cultural apartheid on those communities living in Germany simply updates a mechanism of racism present-day legislators would have us believe is a thing of the past.

As for the School for Unlearning Zionism, the decision by the art school to reinstate the project is very welcome news. Hopefully a methodology and curriculum can be developed at these sessions which can be usefully disseminated throughout Europe and beyond. May this initial step prove a fruitful one. Especially incisive was the statement quoted in the article here from Yossi Bartal, pointing out that the interference by Volker Beck and his associates represented an attempt by white Germans to decree for Jews the parameters of critical discussion.